Category: اخبار

اعدام باید گردد!

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یک کودک سوری پلاکارد رئیس جمهور اعدام باید گردد را با دستان کوچکش بالا گرفته است
بذر مرگخواهی را بیش از همه رِژیم اسلامی ما در منطقه کاشت ولی نسلها و نسلها محصول تلخ و غیر انسانی آنرا درو خواهند کرد

سهم زنان در انقلاب لیبی

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زنان در انقلاب لیبی نقشی برجسته بازی کردند. آنها دوختند، پختند و طلاهایشان را فروختند تا انقلابیون بتوانند ماشین بخرند و تجیهزاتی دیگر. در شورای موقت دولتی ۴۳ نفره فقط یک زن وجود دارد. آنهم وزیر زنان. محمود جبریل نخست وزیر دولت موقت وعده میدهد که زنان وزیر و سفیر خواهند شد و لی زنان می پرسند کی؟ در کل ساختمان شورای موقت یک توآلت زنانه وجود ندارد. در میسترا، مادران و خواهران شهدای جنگ طلاهایشان فروختند تا دو تا جیپ برای واحد های انقلابی بخرند. زنی میگوید قذافی فقط فرزندان مارا نکُشت بلکه آرزوها و آرمانهای ما را نیز کشت.
(با خواندن این سطور روزهای انقلاب خودمان، شکوفائی رویاهایمان، گرمی بی پیراه دوستیهای انقلابی امان و گذشت و ایثار بی شائبه امان بخاطر سعادت ملت و مملکت در ذهنم تداعی میشود و به شیادانی که چیزی بما ندادند ولی آنچه را از خوبی داشتیم را هم از ما گرفتند دشنام میدهم. امروز که اردوغان با همان زبان به لیبی رفته است تا انقلاب لیبیای هارا مصادره کند موعظه هایش در تریپولی یاد آور همان موعظه هایی است که کم نشنیدیم ولی جز نکبت از آنها چیزی ندیدیم. قذافی از سوراخی که در آن مخفی شده است با پیامی به ملت آزاد شده لیبی به بازگشت استعمار هشدار میدهد و اردوغان با موعظه و بحر طویل خود در طرابلس راجع به مبارزه عمر مختار علیه استعمار ایتالیا سخن میراند. او از استعمار امپراطوری فتودالی دینی عثمان
چیزی نمیگوید. آیا این هم مضمونی تصادفی است ؟) ح ت
برگرفته از گاردین

Libyan women: it’s our revolution too
Women played a crucial role in overthrowing Gaddafi and yet the National Transitional Council has only one female in post

A Libyan revolutionary woman. Photograph: Francois Mori/AP
They smuggled bullets in handbags, tended wounded fighters, cooked meals for frontline units, sold their jewellery to buy combat jeeps and sewed the flags that fly in liberated cities. But with the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi almost complete, many Libyan women are asking whether it’s their revolution too.
This week Mustafa Abdul Jalil, chairman of the governing National Transitional Council, announced before cheering crowds in Tripoli’s Martyrs’ Square that “women will be ambassadors, women will be ministers”.
To which the question from many women is – when?
The 43-member National Transition Council has one woman in post – the minister for women. Even this is a backward step: in May, with the war at its height, the NTC executive had two female members. There is no women’s toilet at the NTC headquarters.
There seems little appetite among the NTC executive, drawn overwhelmingly from the socially conservative city of Benghazi, for this to change.
Yet the strain of war, in which men were needed at the front, saw taboos fall as women were needed for essential work. In hospitals, female nursing students who in the past were not allowed even on the wards worked alongside male colleagues to cope with the influx of casualties.
Women formed support groups for broken families in a country with no social services, and mass-produced battlefield meals for a rebel army that otherwise had no means of feeding itself. They also took to the streets, joining the daily protests and celebrations in city squares.
These volunteers hardly saw themselves fighting for feminism, but have morphed into political groups that seem destined to produce Libya’s first generation of female activists.
At a recent gathering in Tripoli of the Coalition of February 17 – a reference to the date of the first uprising – around a third of the delegates were women. They gave speeches insisting that “we, as women, aspire to the same thing as our fellow men … women’s role should not be limited to social or charity issues. It should be political as well.”
The voices included a women’s charity, Byte Mawada, which has run guns, helped refugees, set up field hospitals and collected money from Libyan women in Britain and France. Aisha Gadoor, 44, a psychologist who hid bullets in her handbag, said: “We bought arms from Gaddafi’s security and army. An AK47 cost 4,000 dinars (£۲,۰۶۸), but we got a discount to 3,000 dinars. The ammo cost one dinar.”
Gadoor, who has political ambitions, believes there is no turning back now. “Women’s lives will be better because of the role we played. We will not allow ourselves to be sidelined. It’s our revolution as well.”
This optimism was echoed by Free Women of Misrata, which cooks meals for front line units. Manal, one of its members, said: “Gaddafi not only killed our people, he killed our dreams. We have more respect now. In the past men would not accept us. They thought we were weak creatures.”
Manal, 29, declined to give her second name, fearing retribution against her brother trapped in Sirte. “In the past we were not expected to do such things. Now we want to demonstrate that we can do things men can do. We want to break old ideas about women.”
Misrata’s Shaheed Women, an organisation of the mothers, sisters and wives of dead soldiers, sold their gold jewellery in July to buy two military jeeps, complete with heavy weapons, for frontline units.
Shaheed Women organiser Naima Obeid said the coming together of women from previously isolated lives has been the female equivalent of the Facebook revolution that allowed Libya’s men to co-ordinate their uprising: “Women come out of the houses, they meet each other, they talk to each other, they feel they are not alone.”
At Misrata’s art college female students have started a newspaper and political groups dedicated to encouraging women who get degrees to consider a career, rather than early marriage.
Women have a strong foundation, according to veteran activist Naeem Gheriany. “Women have made remarkable progress in recent years compared with men,” he said. “Many men dropped out of school, whereas women stuck with it and went to university. We’ll see the benefit over time.”
But Hana al-Galal, education minister in an earlier NTC cabinet until she lost her job to a male colleague, warned: “We have very educated women, but for a long time they had a low profile, never wanted to be noticed.
“We are not as strong as we should be. We have to stop having this negativity inside us.”
Libya remains a deeply traditional, male-dominated society that ranks 91st out of 102 countries for gender equality, according to a 2009 index published by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.
Gaddafi’s Green Book guaranteed some rights – a man was obliged to seek a first wife’s permission before marrying a second – but delivered little to their day to day lives. The new constitution, whatever it says, is likely to be trumped by hardened cultural norms.
Those norms – at least outside Libya’s more liberal capital, Tripoli – are enough to prevent a woman from going to the cinema or a cafe unaccompanied, swimming in a bikini or talking to a man other than a close relative.
Hannan Aderat, 25, a young Misratan painter who runs Basmat Al Horia (Free Fingerprints), which raises money for combat amputees, said: “My oldest brother, he is 31, when he saw me talking to a tuwar [revolutionary fighter] he started shouting at me.
“He is from the old age, still too close to old men and traditional thinking. We don’t have freedom now – it’s still a dream.”
With Islamists vying for prominent roles in the new administration, many women see little chance of a cultural shift any time soon.
“The issue of [rights for] women in Libya is like ink and paper: it’s not real,” Aderat added. “It will take time for men to accept women judges, not for young men but for older people like my father. There will be change, but not for me. For my children maybe. Or maybe my grandchildren.”
The months leading up to elections will provide clues as to what, if anything, has changed beneath the surface euphoria.
Asked if she could imagine a female president of Libya, Aya El-Badri, a 20-year-old oil engineering student, replied: “I don’t think so. Men will be president. But have you ever heard of an American woman president?
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2011/sep/16/libyan-women-our-revolution-too. 

سردرگمی حزب الله در مسئله لبنان

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خلاصه ایی از مقاله فاینانشال تایمز
۰۵۰۸۲۰۱۱
در آغاز قیام مردم شمال آفریقا، حزب الله لبنان جزء آن نیروهایی بود که سرمست از این قیامها اعلام کرد که در برابر حق و ناحق بی طرف نمیتوان ایستاد و ما از حرکت مردم علیه دیکتاتوری و ظلم حمات میکنیم. این ژست سیاسی با ادعاهای همیشگی او وفق میداد ولی با شروع جنبش اعتراضی در سوریه، اوضاع برای حزب الله کاملاً دگرگون گشت. در یک چرخش ۱۸۰ درجه ایی این حزب اعلام کرد که اعتراضات در سوریه فتنه ایست که امریکا و اسرائیل در سوریه براه انداخته اند.
اینک با هر روزی که از اعتراضات مردم در سوریه میگذرد وضع حزب الله در توضیح و توجیه موضع سکوت آمیزش نسبت به رخدادهای سوریه برای حتی هواداران خودش هم سخت تر میشود. حزب الله احساس کرده است که ممکن است حکومت اسد سقوط کند لذا اخیراً ذخایر تسلیحاتی اش را از آنجا به لبنان آورده است.
با سقوط اسد، حزب الله نه تنها یک تکیه گاه عمده و یک خط تدارکاتی نظامی را از دست خواهد داد بلکه متحدینش هم در جبهه ائتلاف کنونی نسبت به آینده ائتلاف با این حزب به تردید خواهند افتاد و نشانه های این تردید را امروزه حتی در صفوف خود این حزب میتوان دید. یکی از نمایندگان پارلمانی این حزب به جنبه مردمی بودن اعتراضات در سوریه اذعان دارد ولی میگوید برای ما جبهه واحد علیه اسرائیل* مهمتر از مطالبات مردم سوریه است. یکی دیگر نماینگان پارلمانی حزب الله در یک مصاحبه میگوید ما مثل اینکه روبروی یک ساختمان ایستاده و با دست آنرا نگاه داشته و مواظبیم آوار آن روی سرمان خراب نشود و باید سر خودمان را حفظ کنیم. مشکل حزب الله به اینجا ختم نمیشود. در چنین شرایطی دادگاه ویژه (سازمان ملل) ترور رفیق حریری نخست وزیر پیشین لبنان دنبال ۴ نفر افراد این حزب به اتهام ترور اوست و اخیراً اعلام کرده است که لیست جدیدی از متهمین دیگر را در ماههای آینده انتشارخواهد داد.
*
کامنت مترجم
برای ما ایرانیان که تجربه طولانی سوء استفاده متولیان قلابی دین را تجربه کرده ائیم فهم این مسئله سخت نیست که بدانیم مبارزه با اسرائیل و امریکا و برای قدس و اسلام فقط ابزارفریب مردم است تا از آنها پلکان قدرت ساخته شود. این سوء استفاده ابزاری از دین و اسلام، هیچ وقت و در هیچ کجا مثل قضایای پس از کودتای انتخاباتی در کشور خودمان و فجایع دستگاه های امنیتی در حق مردم مان و پس از ما، امروز در سوریه خود را نشان نداده است. امروز این در درجه اول بیشتر هواداران سازمان اخوان المسلمین، پدر حرکت های اسلامی منطقه است، که توپخانه سنگین بشار اسد فریاد «الله اکبر» آنها را درحلقومشان در «حما»، در« دیر الزور» و سراسر سوریه خفه میکند! نه تنها نیروی اسرائیلی ای در کار نیست بلکه اسرائیل نگران سقوط بشار اسد است مبادا مرزهای امن آن با آمدن نیروهایی دیگری در سوریه نا امن شود.

۰۵۰۸۲۰۰۱

 

’s dilemma on Syria uprising
By Roula Khalaf and Abigail Fielding-Smith in Beirut
When the Arab spring first erupted, Lebanon’s Hizbollah movement enthusiastically celebrated people’s aspirations for freedom. “We cannot stand idly when the disputes takes place between the oppressed and oppressor, between right and wrong,” declared Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah, Hizbollah chief, of the uprising in Egypt.
But when people began to rise up against the Syrian government which, along with Iran, is one of Hizbollah’s main backers, the group’s tone changed. Broadcasts on al Manar, Hizbollah’s TV channel, sounded eerily like Syrian state TV, describing the uprising as part of an international conspiracy designed to benefit Israel.
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Comment Oil traders on edge
Traditionally one of the Middle East’s most astute communicators, Hizbollah, a Shia militant group and political party, is now looking exposed by the Syrian crisis, and its problems go far beyond public relations.
Some people allied to the party implicitly acknowledge that Hizbollah recognises the Syrian unrest is a popular uprising and part of the broader regional wave of youth awakening. “But the priority for Hizbollah is the struggle against Israel so it has to support those who are part of that front,” admits an MP from the pro-Hizbollah coalition in Beirut. “Everything else, including internal reform, is secondary.”
Unfortunately for Hizbollah, each wave of arrests and killings in Syria exposes the dual standards of its position. There have been reports of protesters chanting anti-Hizbollah slogans, and the organisation has come in for criticism from some former supporters in the Arab media.
Even had it not shaken Syria, the Arab spring itself would have posed a challenge to a movement that has deftly exploited the powerlessness of Arab leaders in securing a homeland for the Palestinians to present itself as a source of pride for Shia and Sunni alike. After Hizbollah guerrillas stood up to a month-long Israeli assault in 2006, Mr Nasrallah became the most celebrated Arab leader in the region.
But when the youth finally rose, it was not in the name of Palestine but to liberate itself from autocratic rulers. However much the Arab public supports the Palestinian cause, the youth movement is producing its own heroes, the men and women who take to the streets to fight for democratic rights.
The Arab uprisings have coincided with growing pressure on Hizbollah, with four people believed to be members of its organisation, including a senior military commander, indicted in June for the 2005 assassination of Rafiq Hariri, the former Lebanese prime minister and Sunni leader. Further indictments are expected to be issued in the coming months.
Mr Nasrallah has dismissed the case as part of the same Israeli-American conspiracy taunting Syria. But despite fears the indictments could provoke a Sunni-Shia civil war, Hizbollah now is playing down the tribunal, comfortable in the knowledge that no one will be arrested or dragged before the court.
Indeed, the group has a key advantage today, having brought down Lebanon’s western-backed government in January and replaced it with an administration dominated by its own allies.
The fallout from Syria’s uprising could prove more difficult to contain, however, as a collapse of the Assad regime would deprive Hizbollah of a crucial backer and a conduit for weapons that allegedly come from Iran.
“Everyone in Lebanon is worried about Syria and Hizbollah is keeping its head down,” says another Hizbollah ally in government. “It is as if we are standing against a building. What happens if this building collapses?”
Diplomatic sources say the turmoil has already led Hizbollah to move to Lebanon some weaponry that it is said to have stored in Syria. The combination of the Hariri indictments and the Syrian uprising, moreover, has emboldened Hizbollah’s domestic opponents who want the organisation to dismantle its military wing and operate only as a political party.
“If the regime [in Syria] goes down some parties here will start trouble with Hizbollah,” says a Hizbollah supporter.
Analysts say that Hizbollah is betting that Syria will face a protracted crisis, perhaps descending into widespread civil strife, but that Mr Assad will survive. Syria’s Lebanese friends believe the Syrian leader remains widely popular, however discredited his regime might be.
One politician in the pro-Hizbollah coalition says that even if Syria were no longer governed by Mr Assad, no one should hasten to predict a devastating impact on the organisation. “The whole Middle East is exploding and no one can be sure what shape it is going to have,” he says.
Hizbollah’s adversaries, meanwhile, expect it to tighten its grip over Lebanon if the regime in Damascus looks increasingly shaky. They recall how Hizbollah was dealt a harsh blow after the 2005 withdrawal of Syrian forces from Lebanon, in the wake of the Hariri assassination that many blamed on Damascus, yet succeeded in reasserting itself as the country’s most powerful force.
“Hizbollah would have to manage this [Lebanese] theatre without a strong backing in Syria and its allies in Lebanon will be weaker because they draw influence from Syria,” says one anti-Hizbollah politician. “They will have to do a lot of work but they will not give up.”

هرگز نخواب کوروش

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شعری از بانو سیمین بهبهانی

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دارا جهان ندارد،
سارا زبان ندارد
بابا ستاره ای در

!هفت آسمان ندارد

کارون ز چشمه خشکید،

البرز لب فرو بست

حتا دل دماوند،

آتش فشان ندارد

دیو سیاه دربند،

آسان رهید و بگریخت
رستم در این هیاهو،

گرز گران ندارد

روز وداع خورشید،

زاینده رود خشکید
زیرا دل سپاهان،

نقش جهان ندارد

بر نام پارس دریا،

نامی دگر نهادند
گویی که آرش ما،

تیر و کمان ندارد

دریای مازنی ها،

بر کام دیگران شد
نادر ز خاک برخیز،

میهن جوان ندارد

دارا ! کجای کاری،

دزدان سرزمینت
بر بیستون نویسند،

دارا جهان ندارد

آییم به دادخواهی،

فریادمان بلند است

اما چه سود،

اینجا نوشیروان ندارد

سرخ و سپید و سبز است

این بیرق کیانی

اما صد آه و افسوس،

شیر ژیان ندارد

کوآن حکیم توسی،

شهنامه ای سراید

شاید که شاعر ما

دیگر بیان ندارد

هرگز نخواب کوروش،

ای مهرآریایی

بی نام تو،وطن نیز

نام و نشان ندارد

جایی که خواندن برای آزادی بهایش جان آدمیست

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گزارشی از دیلی تلگراف از درون سوریه
سوریه:
با سفری پنهانی در اطراف یک ملت در حال قیام هیچ نشانی از فروکش کردن جنبش نیست
موسیقی دان جوان سوری «ابراهیم کاشوش» در ستایش و رثای آزادی آواز خواند تا آنگاه که بهای آنرا با جان خویش پرداخت. ولی در خلال سفری پنهانی در عرض کشور آنچه ساندی
تلگراف دید این بود که؛ سوریها مصمم هستند تا فشار خود را تا ساقط کردن رئیس جمهور اسد ادامه دهند.
دیدن ویدئو کلیپ آواز خواننده را که لینکش در پایان آمده است را توصیه میکنم

 
Syria
Syria: Secret journey around a nation in revolt finds protesters are not flagging
Syrian musician Ibrahim Qashoush sang of freedom – until he paid the price. But as The Sunday Telegraph saw during secret travels across the country, Syrians are determined to keep up pressure to oust President Assad.
Link to this video
By Special Correspondent in Hama
7:00AM BST 10 Jul 2011
He was no pop superstar, but Ibrahim Qashoush wrote the stand-out song of the Syrian uprising.
“It’s time to leave, Bashar,” its lyrics go. “Freedom is near.”
Some of its verses were frankly rude: “Screw you, Assad,” says one line.
But the singer paid the price for his fleeting fame.
On Monday, according to a video that has circulated the country online, his body was found floating in the River Orontes in his home-town, Hama. His throat had been cut; in the footage, his head lolls horribly.
**********
On an evening in late June, Qashoush’s voice had soared over one of the crowds as some of the biggest protests yet in the Arab world came to the boil. But as Assad’s troops moved in, they found and dealt with him, overseas dissidents have confirmed.
Hundreds of thousands had gathered in Hama, a town in northern Syria once best known for its centuries-old waterwheels and more recently as the centre of the last rebellion against Assad rule.
In 1982, President Bashar al-Assad’s father Hafez sent tanks to end that opposition with great ferocity, killing between 10,000 and 20,000 people. Now Bashar may be forced to order a repeat of the operation, as Hama becomes once again the focus of resistance to the regime.
In the wake of the protest at which Qashoush sang, and an even bigger one last Friday when an estimated 250,000 of the city’s population again risked tank shells and sniper bullets to pour out of their homes, President Assad’s overstretched forces are finding the city slipping beyond their grasp.
The army withdrew after killing at least 40 at the beginning of June. More died again last week as it tried to re-enter. But even if it succeeds, Hama’s truculence may just be repeated in another city.
“Look at Syria’s 14 provinces, they’re all protesting,” one man said. “The army chases these protests all over but as soon as they leave, the people just come out again.”
The Sunday Telegraph secretly visited Hama during a week-long undercover journey around a nation in revolt – a journey which showed how tenuous government control has become, despite a crackdown that has claimed more than 1,400 lives since March.
Using pseudonyms, booking diversionary journeys, slipping quietly into blockaded towns and hiding with protesters, The Sunday Telegraphcriss-crossed the nation and witnessed a Syria of “freed” towns, vast anti-regime demonstrations, violent melees and angry gunfights.
It is the Syria that President Assad wants no one see, and it is the reason why he has sought to arrest, censor or ban foreign journalists.
Hama, Syria’s fourth city, has become a vital battlefield. The scars can still be seen from the brutal aftermath of the 1982 clash between the Muslim Brotherhood and the regime of Hafez al-Assad.
Within minutes of noticing a foreigner, residents began to boast of the impending fall of the regime.
A butcher, Omar was brimming with pride as he explained why. “Look around, the government is finished in Hama,” he said. “The army came here and they killed many and they stole. But we kept coming out. No matter how many times the army comes, we’ll never give in now.”
A young man approached, his eyes shining with excitement, and lifted his shirt to display the large knife he was carrying, tucked inside the belt of his trousers, “in case the army comes back”. His gesture was all the more striking because it took place in front of the town’s police station.
Elsewhere men gravitated, seemingly instinctively, towards the renowned clock tower that stands in the city’s central square, and within 10 minutes some 10,000 had gathered, many carrying Syrian flags, for that day’s protests. Many warned that as a westerner I would be targeted by the government snipers thought to be lying on the roof tops, but none seemed concerned on their own behalf and in fact there was no shooting.
Soon three separate columns of marchers were pouring into the square, and it was if half the city was out on the streets, young and old, male and female. A group of women in jet-black burkas sang revolutionary songs. Others, some with their heads covered, some not, chimed in from the crowd.
“This Assad family are murderers and criminals,” said one resident, filled with emotion at the chance to tell his story to a foreign observer. “Tell everyone: the people of Hama say that this regime is finished.”
It was a message that I heard repeatedly as I travelled across Syria, sometimes to places where it seemed the regime had completely abandoned any effort to keep control.
In the dusty north-eastern city of Deir Resor, where six died in recent clashes, even the totems of the regime have now vanished; pictures of President Assad and his father, Hafez, had been destroyed and their statues removed.
Straddling the banks of the Euphrates River, Deir Resor is close to the Iraqi border. Even the local Arabic is nearer Baghdad than Damascus.
But despite its importance the government had apparently left only a tiny handful of security forces to fend for themselves. Late in the evening gunfire could be heard, and then a firefight a few streets away – brief, but enough to make the soldiers standing by a sandbagged police station jittery.
In a café where young men were playing cards, one described how the government had lost control of the city. “The army tried to come into Deir Resor a few weeks ago, but they soon had to retreat,” he said. “The government know the northern clans are armed, they have support from Iraq, and if they are attacked they will fight.
“But this is the biggest town in the area and if it is anti-government it means the entire east of Syria is too.”
In other places the security forces have acted so decisively and brutally to quell dissent that life will take a long time to return to normal. In several villages in the north, I saw scorched buildings and army tanks still stationed in fields where – incongruously – farmers continued their work.
And throughout the small farming town of Jisr al-Shugour, where last month the government sent tanks in revenge for the deaths of 120 soldiers who it claimed had been killed by terrorists, troops of the hated Fourth Division are still deployed in force.
In fact, residents say, the soldiers were killed by the military after they refused to fire on unarmed protesters and tried instead to defect. Whatever the truth, some 10,000 residents fled across the border to Turkey to evade the avenging army.
The Fourth Division is the de facto private army of the president’s younger brother, Maher al-Assad, and its soldiers are Syria’s best equipped and most loyal. It can, however, be a law unto itself: The Sunday Telegraph has been told of an incident in which Fourth Division soldiers called at Syria’s central bank and left soon afterwards with bulging green holdalls, presumed to contain hard currency to pay for their depredations elsewhere.
Now it has established a field headquarters within striking distance of Jisr al-Shugour, and around the town its tanks stood positioned to fire straight into the windows of passing traffic. Their tracks have gouged deep scars into the tarmac.
There was none of the gentle bustle expected from a thousand similar Syrian towns. The shops remained shuttered, surrounding fields lay untended and burned houses served as stark reminders of the potential cost of resisting the regime. Army patrols drifted lazily through the greenery, clearly under no perceptible threat of attack.
To the west, past the small village where a pristine mausoleum houses the remains of the president’s father – a place of pilgrimage for loyalists where visitors snap vigorously to attention – lie the coastal towns and cities which the regime cannot afford to lose.
The streets that wind down to the industrial port of Lattakia were littered with pro-regime paraphernalia as The Sunday Telegraph visited, and pro-government shabiha militia, the most feared of all the forces because of their savagery when unleashed, idled in pick-up trucks near the main police station, ready to intervene if necessary. In the main square was a noisy pro-Assad gathering, where support did not appear to be stage-managed.
Yet even here a statue of the president’s father was under armed guard against sabotage, and there was plenty of other evidence of dissent.
In the local graveyard, some of whose simple plots had been recently dug, a resident, Abu Hamza, described the violence that he said had led to the deaths of many young men.
Articulate, educated but jobless, he epitomised the challenge facing the government of Syria. “In March it was close to a massacre here,” he said.
“They brought in army snipers to kill many protesters. The government understood that it cannot lose this town – it’s from places like this that its support must come.
“For 10 days the army killed everyone walking the streets. I used to think that Israel was our enemy. But even the Israelis use rubber bullets, shoot at people’s legs, allow ambulances to come and take people to hospital. Now I know the Syrian regime is our real enemy.”
Adding to the challenge for regime is the impression that the bottom is beginning to fall out of the Syrian economy. Queues of cars snake along the roads outside petrol stations, waiting for the next delivery of fuel to replenish their empty tanks. Street money changers, hungry for dollars, trade the Syrian currency at a 20 per cent discount from the official rate.
Hotel rooms around the country are empty as tourism has collapsed, and foreign investors have scaled down projects or withdrawn funding altogether.
Because they believe that with one more push the Assads will be gone, many protesters reject the regime’s attempts to foster dialogue with the opposition and have refused to take part in an exploratory conference of regime spokesmen and seasoned Syrian dissidents due to be held today.
Others have put forward a discussion document that envisions the regime remaining in place while giving up “a large part of its control over state and society”.
For there are still parts of Syria where support for the leadership remains strong. The crucial trading city of Aleppo has been predominantly quiet throughout the uprising; so, too has the centre of the capital, Damascus, although there have been major protests in its suburbs.
But for the demonstrators insist such support is waning, and say that as the protests grow those previously loyal or cowed lose their inhibitions. For every dissident taking part in today’s dialogue, another rejects it. Some are in hiding.
Protesters reject government allegations that they are religious zealot and extremists, but say they have been radicalised by what they have witnessed over the last few months. The young man in the graveyard, Abu Hamza, embraced the ideals of democracy – and bemoaned those who he believes are helping prop up his country’s unpopular regime.
He also set his face against foreign intervention, even in his favour.
“There is a conspiracy – one of Iran, China, Russia, Hezbollah and the president against the people of Syria,” he said. “But we Syrians must fight alone.”
The regime, he said, would not give up lightly, and the burial plots over which he was watching would not be the last; yet, he added, the regime was no longer omnipotent.
“The regime must fight for Lattakia but it can’t fight everywhere all of the time,” he said.
“Bashar is dividing the country between those places the government can fight for now – and those he will come back for, if the Syrian people weaken and give him the chance.”
Additional reporting: Richard Spencer, Middle East Correspondent
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/middleeast/syria/8627510/Syria-Secret-journey-around-a-nation-in-revolt-finds-protesters-are-not-flagging.html

و اینهم لینک آوازخوانی که مردم با او همسرایی میکنند و بدست نیروهای اسد کشته شد
http://www.youtube.com/user/aliwatti1985

بانگ «نه حزب الله نه ایران » از زبان رجاء نیوز

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پرده دیگر سناریوی امریکایی «تهران ۸۸» این‌بار در سوریه
از«نه غزه،نه لبنان»در تهران تا«لاحزب الله، لاایران»در سوریه!+فیلم
گروه بیداری اسلامی: از اولین روزهای ناآرامی در سوریه، رسانه های خارجی تلاش کردند تا اینگونه از این کشور گزارش ارسال کنند که شعارهای تظاهرات کنندگان در سوریه به سمت ایران و حزب الله چرخش داشته اند. معارضان سوری شعار داده بودند “لا حزب الله، لا ایران”. فیلم هایی اینترنتی هم صحنه آتش زدن پرچم ایران و حزب الله و عکس مقامات ایرانی را نمایش دادند. همزمان برخی از مخالفان رژیم سوریه مدعی شدند نیروهای ایرانی و حزب الله لبنان را برای سرکوب اعتراضات به سوریه آورده اند. در تصاویر منتشر شده از معارضین سوری، حتی تصاویری از آتش زدن پرچم روسیه هم به چشم می‌خورد!

اخباری که از سوریه منتشر می شود، بلافاصله ذهن مخاطب ایرانی را به حوادثی که در جریان فتنه ۸۸ رخ داد، نزدیک می کند. در جریان ناآرامی های پس از انتخابات ایران هم بلافاصله شعارهای “مرگ بر روسیه” و “مرگ بر چین” خلق شد. شعارهایی که خلق یکباره آن ها بیشتر از هر چیز بر دخالت عوامل خارجی برای فضاسازی بین المللی علیه ایران حکایت داشت. اغتشاشگران در خیابان های تهران بیشتر از آنکه به مسائل داخلی معترض باشند، عضوی از دستگاه تبلیغاتی ایالات متحده شده بودند تا اولا روسیه و چین را تحت فشار قرار دهند تا در سیاست های ضد ایرانی آمریکا همراه تر شوند و ثانیا تکرار مواضع آمریکا در تهران و پایتخت مقاومت، برای آمریکا کسب آبرویی کند.

شعار “نه غزه، نه لبنان” در روز قدس، فرصت مناسبی را در اختیار اسرائیل و آمریکا قرار داد تا فضای منطقه ای را به نفع خود تلطیف نمایند. اصرار جریان فتنه برای باز کردن پای دوستان خارجی ایران به مسائل داخلی تا آنجا پیش رفت که مدعی شدند اعضای حزب الله لبنان در خیابان تهران به سرکوب معترضان می پردازند!

از این جهت است که به راحتی می‌توان جریان معارضان سوری و جریان فتنه در ایران کاملا مشابه هم و در نقش حلقه تکمیل کننده سیاست خارجی غرب عمل می کنند.”لا حزب الله، لا ایران” ترجمه سوری “نه غزه، نه لبنان” جریان فتنه بود. آنچه وجه مشترک حزب الله، ایران، غزه، لبنان و سوریه است، ضد امریکایی و ضد اسرائیلی بودن رویکرد آنها در منطقه خاورمیانه است و به همین جهت مردمی بودن آنچه در سوریه می گذرد، با تردید مواجه می شود. نکته‌ای که رهبر انقلاب به دلیل ماهیت امریکایی این حرکت در سوریه بر آن تصریح کردند.
مقایسه دقیق بیداری اسلامی در مصر با آنچه در سوریه می گذرد، گمانه “دخالت غرب در مسائل سوریه” را تقویت می کند چرا که برغم حمایت آمریکا، رژیم صهیونیستی و حمایت صریح تر عربستان از دولت مبارک، هیچگاه شعار بر علیه سایر کشورها رویه این تجمعات مردمی نبود.

این در حالیست که نمایش شکست غرب در ماجرای مصر و تونس، جایگاه آمریکا را در افکار عمومی به شدت خدشه دار کرده بود. طرح ایجاد ناآرامی در سوریه متعاقب حوادث مصر آغاز شد و یک خط انحرافی در مسیر بیداری اسلامی ایجاد کرد. آمریکا در صدد بود در تفسیر ضد آمریکایی بودن بیداری های منطقه به سردمداری ایران، خللی ایجاد کند. به همین جهت به تحریک ناآرامی ها در سوریه پرداخت. با این وجود قرائن متعدد نشان می دهد که میان بیداری منطقه اسلامی و ناآرامی ها در سوریه تفاوت های بسیاری وجود دارد.

http://rajanews.com/detail.asp?id=95346

قدرت نفت در زندگی ما باید کاهش پذیرد

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گاردین:
تغیر این راهی که در آن نفت سیاست گزار سیاست آمریکا شده است.
این یک ایده است:
یا خربد یک اتوموبیل هیبرید(اتوموبیل برقی/ بنزینی)؛ در سوخت صرفه جویی کن! به گسترش دموکراسی کمک کن! جان یک سرباز را نجات بده! کره زمین راحفظ کن! و به موازنه بودجه مملکت کمک کن.

Changing the way oil drives US policy 

Here’s an idea: buy a hybrid, save fuel, promote democracy, save a soldier, protect the planet and balance the budget

o PJ Crowley
o guardian.co.uk, Saturday 9 July 2011 21.10 BST

An oil pumping station in Iraq; eight years on from the 2003 invasion, Iraq is a key exporter of oil to the US. Photograph: Kevin Frayer/AP
Twenty years after we went to war over oil and ten years after 9/11, America has still not connected the dots. This is not about the intelligence community, but American politics, policy and behaviour. We still don’t see the interconnections of daily realities, like the car we drive, what that means for the price of gasoline and how that affects our national security.
When prices surged north of $4 per gallon this spring, the political response was to search for someone or something to blame. Members of Congress targeted oil speculators, while the Obama administration focused on the turmoil in Libya. The administration also floated a proposal to double the fuel efficiency of cars and trucks to 56.2 miles per gallon by 2025.
Interestingly, having aggressively fought such proposals in the past, Detroit’s reaction this time was constructive. We can build more fuel-efficient cars and trucks, automakers made clear, but questioned whether consumers would buy them.
The answer is, we should. It’s connected to our national security. Say what?
In a world of global markets, networks and challenges, the divide between global and local is largely gone. The choices we make as individuals affect broader policies. And all the major issues being debated today – OK, not Casey Anthony and Anthony Weiner, but the price of gasoline, military operations, the Arab Spring, Osama bin Laden, government spending, the debt ceiling and economic recovery – have national security implications.
Exaggerated? Stay with me as we review the history of the past 20 years and how war and peace are linked to the next car we purchase.
At the end of this year, the last American troops will leave Iraq after a conflict that started not in 2003, but in 1990, when we deployed combat forces to protect Saudi Arabia’s oil fields. We achieved an overwhelming military victory, but did not eliminate the threat Saddam Hussein posed to Saudi Arabia and other regional energy producers. Military forces stayed in the kingdom.
Osama bin Laden resented the presence of infidels in Saudi Arabia and declared war on the United States. His 9/11 plot killed nearly 3,000 people and inflicted heavy security costs on our economy. US combat forces eventually withdrew from the kingdom.
We invaded Afghanistan and destroyed bin Laden’s safe haven, but he escaped. We then decided to finish off Saddam, democratising Iraq and its oil fields, but at tremendous cost.
The trillions spent in direct and indirect costs in these wars, all borrowed money, could have cushioned the impact of the global economic crisis, but the economy went into recession and jobs evaporated. To work our way out of this mess, we now want to balance the federal budget.
This spring, while Washington debated how to cut spending, we started another war (along with Nato) to democratise Libya and its oil fields, even though the Obama administration – for political reasons – pretends it is not a war.
While fighting Muammar Gaddafi, we knocked off bin Laden. Congress now wants to declare “mission accomplished” in Afghanistan and bring troops home ahead of schedule to save money. Meanwhile, the administration keeps floating the idea of keeping troops in Iraq because the job of democratising its oil fields is not yet done. Iraq is now one of our leading oil exporters.
Across the Middle East, the Arab Spring is facing resistance. Syria has a little oil. Its leader is also killing his people. Saudi Arabia, our third largest exporter, does not want to democratise its oil fields. It is using $93bn in oil revenue we gave them to bribe its population, preserve the monarchy and prevent women from driving.
Meanwhile, back in Washington, we can’t balance the federal budget without cutting defence spending. To cut defence spending, we must change our foreign policy, shifting away from costly military interventions to protect sources of oil. To do that, we must reduce our dependence on and consumption of foreign oil. That should lower its price, taking money out of the pockets of autocratic countries that complicate our foreign policy and necessitate expensive military interventions.
Oversimplified? Sure, but it brings us to the car dealer showroom. You are looking at two cars. One has a hybrid engine, is more fuel-efficient but costs a couple of thousand more. The other has a standard engine, is less efficient and cheaper. Which car – and what national security policy – will you purchase?
Buy a hybrid, save fuel, promote democracy, save a soldier, protect the planet and balance the budget. A virtuous policy circle liberals and conservatives should support.
لینک مطلب
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/jul/09/oil-hybrid-foreign-policy/print

 

Air Goes Out of Protests in a Leaderless Yemen

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