Category: از دیگران و جراید خارجی

anti-Brotherhood rally

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عکس: محمد ابو حامد نماینده سابق مجلس ، از سازمانگران اعتزاض فردا علیه یکه تازی اخوان المسلمین.

این توضیح را هم می افزایم که بیشتر نیروهای انقلابی  مصربه بهانه اینکه این اکسیون از سوی ضد انقلاب است عملاً در پشت سر اخوان المسلمین و محمد مُرسی قرار گرفته اند که یاد آور تظاهرات معترضین به بستن روزنامه  آیندگان در دوران اقلاب اسلامی خودمان است. در آنهگام آیندگان بعنوان روزنامه لیبرال زیر ضربه رژیم ، ملی گرایان مصدقی و نیروهای چپ و دررأس همه حزب توده قرار گرفت و تخته شد.

اهرام آنلاین قاهره

پنجشنبه ۲۳ اوت ۴ شهریور

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Most Egyptian political groups will refrain from participating in planned Friday protest against ‘Brotherhoodization’ of state, linking event with counter-revolutionary forces

Salma Shukrallah, Thursday 23 Aug 2012

Two controversial Egyptian figures, anti-revolution television presenter Tawfiq Okasha and former MP Mohamed Abu-Hamed, were the first to call for mass protests aimed at “toppling Muslim Brotherhood rule” on Friday, 24 August.

The call was at first perceived as a feeble attempt by a former regime loyalist – Okasha – to make a comeback of sorts. It was quickly transformed into an anti-Brotherhood protest, however, when it was picked up by others whose fear of the Brotherhood was heightened after President Mohamed Morsi retired Egypt’s military rulers earlier this month.

On 12 August, Morsi not only removed Egypt’s military leaders, but also cancelled Egypt’s 17 June constitutional addendum. Issued by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), the addendum had significantly curtailed the president’s executive prerogatives.

Meanwhile, the calls against the Brotherhood have been vociferously criticised by both Islamist and revolutionary forces. The attacks, however, may have gone too far, say some, after Al-Azhar Sheikh Hashem Islam made statements that seemed to condone violence against those protesting Egypt’s Islamist president.

“Whoever joins the 24 August uprising will stand in opposition to the 25 January Revolution,” said Islam. “They will be committing high treason against their nation, God, his prophet and Muslims.”

He added: “Stand up against them. If they fight you, fight them back… if they kill some of you, the martyrs will go to heaven; and if you kill them, this will be righteous.”

Islam’s statements, made at a political conference at the Egyptian Diplomatic Club on 15 August, triggered an uproar among revolutionary circles. Actor Sameh El-Serity and leftist activist Karima El-Hefanawy, both present at the conference, said that, despite their disapproval of the planned 24 August demonstrations, such statements served to threaten basic freedoms.

Prominent reform campaigner and Constitution Party founder Mohamed ElBaradei, for his part, responded to Islam’s statements with fury. “If such religious clerics aren’t put on trial, we will fall into the trap of fascist rule cloaked in religion,” he declared on Twitter.

Muslim Brotherhood Secretary-General Mahmoud Hussein, too, quickly commented on Islam’s religious edict, stressing that every citizen enjoyed the right to stage demonstrations – as long as said demonstrations remained within the confines of the law and did not damage public property.

“However,” he added, “calls to stage protests… and damage public property on 24 August are illegal.”

Despite frequent assurances from organisers that the planned demonstration would be peaceful, rumours have circulated that Friday’s protest would target the Brotherhood’s Cairo headquarters.

On the popular Salafist satellite television channel Al-Nas, an unknown caller told host Khaled Abdalla (who is also known for his controversial statements against anti-SCAF protesters) that the 24 August protest was a “Christian conspiracy” funded by Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea.

Abu-Hamed, a main organiser of Friday’s planned protest, met with Geagea earlier this year, praising him as an “inspiration.” Geagea has long been accused of orchestrating the massacre, together with Israel, of thousands of Palestinian and Lebanese civilians in Lebanon’s Sabra and Shatila refugee camp in 1982. Geagea was also found guilty of assassinating several Lebanese political figures during the country’s long civil war.

Abu-Hamed has denied accusations that the planned protests would feature acts of violence. The event’s primary demands, he says, are the rejection of the “Brotherhoodization” of state institutions,

and that the Brotherhood and its Freedom and Justice Party reveal the sources of their funding to the public.

A group calling itself the “Front of Azhar Members for a Civil State” on Wednesday declared that it, too, would join the planned protests. Movement member Sheikh Mohamed Abdalla Nasr told independent daily Al-Masry Al-Youm that his group was participating in the scheduled event to voice its rejection of Brotherhood domination of state institutions and the perceived monopolisation of political powers by the president.

Others not participating in the 24 August protest had earlier expressed similar concerns over the president’s ostensible monopoly of political power. ElBaradei, who welcomed Morsi’s move to end military rule in Egypt, nevertheless warned against leaving both legislative and executive authorities in the hands of the president. He also called for a new constituent assembly to be drawn up to serve as a temporary legislature until new parliamentary elections are held.

Fears of Brotherhood control over state institutions had been articulated earlier, when several Egyptian writers and journalists left their columns blank on 9 August to protest perceived attempts by the Brotherhood to control state-owned publications.

Activists also voiced alarm after several editors-in-chief were accused by Brotherhood lawyers of “insulting the president.” Among those accused was Abdel-Halim Qandil, co-founder of Egypt’s Kefaya protest movement.

Most revolutionary groups, meanwhile, continue to reject the planned 24 August demonstration. According to the Revolution Youth Union, the protest is being planned by counter-revolutionary supporters of defeated presidential candidate Ahmed Shafiq.

“These calls are not at all related to the January 25 revolution or its demands,” read a statement released by the union. “These are supporters of the counter-revolution who call for reinstating military rule and the old regime and should therefore not be heeded.”

That being said, several of the groups that plan to take part in the protest claim to oppose both military rule and the Brotherhood. The Egyptian Coptic Coalition, for one, has said it would participate in Friday’s protest to demand a civil – i.e., non-religious – state.

“We’re not seeking to topple President Morsi, but to accomplish the January 25 Revolution’s demands and defend the civil state,” read a coalition statement, which went on to condemn the Brotherhood’s “domination” of the constitution-drafting process and state media.

Independent daily Al-Shorouk has reported that the Brotherhood – along with other Islamist parties such as the Salafist Nour Party and the Jamaa Al-Islamiya – is planning its own counter-demonstration to coincide with Friday’s scheduled anti-Brotherhood protest.

According to the Facebook page dubbed “The Second Revolution to Dissolve the Muslim Brotherhood and the Freedom and Justice Party,” which currently has some 17,000 supporters, Friday’s demonstration will take place in Cairo’s flashpoint Tahrir Square and in front of the Presidential Palace in the capital’s Heliopolis district&nbsp;

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آمریکا ۱۵۰ میلیون دلار از موجودی حزب الله را بلوکه کرد

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او افزود، تلاش بی وقفه ما در کشف شبکه های جنایی نشان میدهد که سیستم بانکی امریکا مورد سوء استفاده پولشوئی برای در آمد های ناشی از عملیات قاچاق مواد مخدر از غرب آفریقا تا خود لبنان قرار میگرفته است.

 

نهار نت ۲۱ اوت

سه شنبه ۲ شهریور
مقامات ایالات متحده اعلام کردند که مبلغ ۱۵۰ میلیوین دلار را که گفته میشود به حزب الله تعلق دارد و منشاء آن «قاچاق مواد مخدر» و سایر عملیات غیر قانونی است را ضبط کرده اند.
بنا به اظهار معاون دادستان ایالات متحده، میشل لئونارت، این پولها در حسابی در یک بانک آمریکایی که از سوی یک بانک کانادایی ـ لبنانی برای نقل و انتقال پول انجام میشد وجود داشته است.
طی یک بیانیه رسمی، لئونارت گفت:« همچنانکه ما سال پیش اعلام کردیم این بانک لبنانی ـ آمریکایی یک نقش کلیدی در عملیات پولشویی حساب های بانکی متعلق به سازمانهایی را داشت که به حزب الله تعلق دارند.»
او افزود، تلاش بی وقفه ما در کشف شبکه های جنایی نشان میدهد که سیستم بانکی امریکا مورد سوء استفاده پولشوئی برای در آمد های ناشی از عملیات قاچاق مواد مخدر از غرب آفریقا تا خود لبنان قرار میگرفته است.
او ادامه میدهد:« سازمان مبارزه با مواد مخدره آمریکا با همکاری باسازمانهای مشابه دیگر کشورها، این شبکه های بین المللی و پی بنای مالی آنها را که ارتباط بین فعالیتهای قاچاقچی گری مواد مخدره و فعالیتهای تروریستی آنها آشکار شده است را زیر ضربه گرفته است.
پابان گزارش خبری نهار نت لبنان
……………………………………………………..
کامنت من:
۱ ـ اولین سئوال خود آن پوستری است که حزبالله برای تبلیغات خود از آن و مشابه آن استفاده میکند یعنی تابلو کردن دختران جوان بی حجاب در حالیکه در پشت سر چهره اصلی پوستر زنان تیپیک محجبه اسلامی ایستاده اند. سئوال، تنها این نیست که چنین چهره ایی در پوستر حرب الله چه میکند بلکه در اینست که عکس حسن نصرالله و عماد مغینه، سر تروریست معروف ترورشده حزب الله نه در درست آن زنان حزب اللهی بلکه در دست یک زن جوانی بی حجابی است که قیافه آن به هر تیپی شبیه است جز به تیپ حزب اللهی بودن. در اینکه این یک ریاکاری عوامفریبانه است تردیدی نیست ولی خلاصه کردن معنای این پوستر در ریاکاری محض نیز جز ساده لوحی نیست. این حرکتی بود که در یکی از راهپیمایی های سازمان داده شده حکومتی سال قبل در تهران هم مشاهده شد. این گویای اینست که رژیم برای حفظ قدرت در آینده آماده شده است تن به تغیرات و عقب نشینی های صوری بدهد چه در لبنان و چه در تهران بدهد تا جروهای جوان را بخود جذب کند.
۲ ـ قریب ۳۰ سال از تشکیل حزب الله لبنان میگذرد. طی این مدت این تشکیلات موفق شده است ارتشی ده هزار نفری؛ رسمی و نیمه رسمی با فعالیت های برون مرزی و فرا منطقه ایی که هزینه آن سالیانه بالغ برمیلیاردها دلار میشود را ایجاد کند. حزب الله در سال ۲۰۰۶ وارد جنگی ۳۳ روزه با اسرائیل شد که هر روز ادامه آن ده میلیون دلار هزینه داشت. جنگی که تأمین مستمری آسیب دیدگان آن، حتی از پس خود دولت لبنان هم که دارای درآمد مالیاتی و گمرکی و سایر درآمد های دولتی است برآمدنی نبوده و نیست.
در اینکه بخش عمده ایی از همه این هزینه ها فقط و فقط از کیسه ایران تأمین شده است نیز تردیدی نیست. ولی از دو سال قبل کاشف بعمل آمد که حزب الله علاوه بر دریافت کمکهای میلیارد دلاری از ایران، در قاچاق مواد مخدره د رارتباط با کارتلهای کوکائین آمریکای جنوبی نیز شرکت مستقیم دارد.
حال با فروپاشی و سقوط حکومت اسد در سوریه و وارفتن تشکیلات حزب الله در لبنان، هم بعلت شکست سیاسی و هم ته کشیدن منابع مالی اش، کلاف فعالیتهای قاچاقچی گری مواد مخدره آن بیشتر و بیشتر گشوده خواهد شد. احتمال اینکه در این میان و در آینده پای ایران و سپاه پاسداران نیز بمیان کشیده شود چندان دور از انتظار نیست. زیرا قریب ۵ ـ ۶ سال قبل یکی از روحانیون دولتی در یک سخنرانی تهدید کرد که: « ما اروپا و آمریکا را در مواد مخدر غرق میکنیم.» من این سخنرانی را آرشیو کرده بودم ولی متأسفانه کامپیوتری که این آرشیو در آن بود کاملا از کار افتاد و نام آن روحانی را هم بیاد ندارم.

کودتایی به روش اخوان المسلمینی

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کودتایی به روش اخوان المسلمینی
در هفته گذشته و قبل از آن من چند یاداشت در رابطه با کودتای اخوان المسلمین و مرسی علیه همه نهاد های قانونی و در درجه اول نهاد «شورای عالی نیروهای مسلح» که نیروی بازدارنده ایی در برابر انحصار طلبی اخوان المسلمین بود نوشتم. اینک الشرق الاوسط یاداشتی جامع در همین زمینه به قلم،عثمان میرغانی درج کرده است که متاسفانه فرصت ترجمه آن نیست. ولی در آینده در صورت فرصت شاید خلاصه ترجمه آنرا درج کنم. مقاله ایست مستدل در باره خصلت توطئه چنینانه و کودتا گرانه حرکت مُرسی و اخوان المسلمین که نه تنها روند تغیرات دموکراتیک را بخطر می اندازد بلکه سیر حوادث منطقه را از مسیر سلزندگی آن خارج و توجه را از سرکوب بشار اسد در سوریه بسوی خطر سیطره و گسترش بنیاد گرایی معطوف میکند.
پنجشنبه آینده ۲۴ اوت (۱۵) مرداد قرار است بنا به دعوت نیروهای ضد کودتا و ضد سیطره انحصاری اخوان تظاهراتی در قاهره برگذار شئد. این آزمونی است که موازنه نیرو را درعرصه سیاسی مصر نشان خواهد دااد. باید امید وار بود که نیروهای مدعی سکولاریسم تظاهر کنندگان روز ۲۴ اوت آینده را تننها نگذارند والی آنهگام که نوبت حذف خود انها فرا رسد بقول برشت کسی نخواهد بود تا به فریاد کمک خواهی انان پاسخ گوید!
خواندن یاداشت زیرا را به آشنانیان به انگلیسی توصیه میکنم.

الشرق الاوسط
یکشنبه ۱۹ اوت
These decisions represented a clever Brotherhood-style coup.
It divided the Egyptian people between those who zealously support this decision and those who oppose it but may be too embarrassed to announce this so as not to appear as champions of SCAF or opponents of removing military domination over the presidency, something that has existed since the July 1952 revolution.Egypt: A Brotherhood-style coup
Saturday 18 August 2012
By Osman Mirghani
The struggle over power and authority that is taking place in Egypt between the newly elected president and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces [SCAF] is no state secret. In fact this struggle unfolded publicly thanks to the statements and decisions being issued by both parties, not to mention the Tahrir square demonstrations, particularly those being provoked or organized by the Muslim Brotherhood, who did not conceal their intention to seize powers for their elected leader. Nevertheless, the blow that Mursi struck, allowing him to seize power, was completely unforeseen, not just on the part of the SCAF leadership, but for the Egyptian people as a whole, not to mention all those monitoring the developments taking place on the Egyptian scene following the 25 January revolution. Just one week after the Sinai attack, during which 16 Egyptian soldiers were killed, Mursi took the decision to seize complete power over the Egyptian state, retiring a number of senior Egyptian military leaders, most prominently SCAF chairman Field Marshall Hussein Tantawi and Egyptian military Chief of Staff General Sami Anan. Mursi called on the Egyptian army to return to its proper role of protecting the homeland. In this manner, these incidents have granted Mursi – as well as the Muslim Brotherhood – the opportunity to strike a blow against the SCAF leadership and carry out extensive changes, extending from replacing the Egyptian Minister of Defense and Chief of Staff to the commanders of the Republic Guard and intelligence apparatus. This has allowed the Brotherhood to strip SCAF of all the powers it had managed to accumulate since former President Mubarak assigned the council to administer the country’s affairs after he was forced to step down. Backed by such power, SCAF became a ruling authority parallel – and opposing to – the new president, a power that could withstand the Muslim Brotherhood and their allies, preventing them from monopolizing the political sphere.
These decisions were akin to a coup d’état, with Mursi and the Muslim Brotherhood surprising all parties and regaining the powers they sought to seize from SCAF at the outset, specifically when they announced the presidential election results. It seems difficult to understand the claim that these decisions were taken following consultation and coordination with the SCAF leadership. If this really was the case, these decisions would have been announced in a different manner, with both Tantawi and Anan appearing on television next to the president during the announcement. Indeed Tantawi and Anan could have also come out to address the media and confirm that they were part of the decision-making process, rather than disappearing from view. This failure to appear in public fuelled speculation and rumour and prompted a spokesman for the Egyptian president to refute the claims that Tantawi and Anan were being held under house arrest until new appointments were completed and oaths taken. This also prompted a military source – who spoke to official Egyptian Middle East News Agency [MENA] on the condition of anonymity – to dismiss the claims that there is any anger or negative reaction within the army towards these decisions. If the situation truly occurred in this manner and these decisions were coordinated with SCAF, it would have been more logical that any decision to retire Field Marshall Tantawi be issued prior to the Egyptian cabinet reshuffle. This reshuffle saw him keep his position as Minister of Defense only to be removed from this position just a few days later.
All evidence indicates that these decisions were shrouded in secrecy and represented a functional coup in which Mursi exploited the Sinai attack to pounce on his SCAF rivals and seize their powers, particularly after he cancelled the Constitutional Declaration which formed the basis of SCAF extending its powers at the expense of the presidency. This is why there have been rumours and speculation that Mursi and the Brotherhood, by taking these decisions, were implementing a counter-coup against the calls for a million-man march to topple the president on 24 August. Perhaps such rumours are exaggerated; however they reflect nature of relations that have prevailed in the political arena between the Brotherhood and other parties, not to mention the tense nature of their relationship with SCAF. This is also the reason why some analysts have come out to say that there are links between the new members of the Egyptian cabinet and the Muslim Brotherhood. There is a broad current that adopts the viewpoint that the Brotherhood has attempted to dominate the political arena since they hijacked the revolution and rode the revolutionary wave into government, despite the fact that they joined this revolution quite late. It is also believed – by this same current – that the Brotherhood has sought to undermine all other parties and therefore purposely refused to cooperate or coordinate with them during the transitional period prior to the elections. The Brotherhood’s plans to dominate the political arena can be reflected in their endeavour to dominate the Constituent Assembly that is responsible for drafting the new constitution. This is something that can also be seen in certain appointments made by the Brotherhood, through which they have sought to gain access to both the media and judiciary, aiming to bring their influence to bear on major state powers. This has been made particularly apparent after these latest decisions brought legislative authority under Mursi’s control, for there is no parliament or constitution, which would define and limit the president’s powers, preventing any political domination and guaranteeing that the presidency does not become a tyranny.
These decisions represented a clever Brotherhood-style coup. It divided the Egyptian people between those who zealously support this decision and those who oppose it but may be too embarrassed to announce this so as not to appear as champions of SCAF or opponents of removing military domination over the presidency, something that has existed since the July 1952 revolution. Furthermore, the decisions have placed the ball in the army’s court, for these decisions ended with the statement that these measures are meant to help the army completely dedicate itself to the mission of protecting the homeland, particularly following the recent Sinai incidents that have revealed a great deal of weakness and fragility in the national security arena, something that has shocked the Egyptian people. This is apart from the fact that these decisions have excluded figures who should have retired long ago, and so the situation seems as if it is pumping new blood into the army’s leadership. These decisions also maintained the prestige and standing of the military figures who have been retired, awarding them the highest decorations in appreciation of their serve to the homeland.
Therefore, there are many who consider these decisions a completion of the revolution and the endeavour to push the military out of politics, as well as a return to complete civil rule. However, this has not prevented others from expressing their concerns and questioning whether what happened is a coup that means to impose Muslim Brotherhood hegemony on the presidency and legislative authority, with this gradually extending to encompass the military, and then the media and judiciary? Egypt is now being governed by declarations and “constitutional” decisions that are issued by a president who has far more powers than Mubarak ever did. This is made particularly clear in light of the state’s incomplete institutions, the lack of a legislative authority or a constitution that defines and regulates powers. If some people are saying that Mursi – by taking such decisions – has liberated himself and the presidency from the army’s custody and intervention, then the question that must be asked here is: will this be followed by Mursi liberating himself from the Brotherhood, which seems to be present in all his decisions and measures?

فشار ازهر سو به حزب الله لبنان افزایش می یابد

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مفتی اعظم لبنان گفت:«هر شهروندی که حق خویش را مطالبه نکرده یا به وظیفه خود عمل نمیکند یا نسبت به سایر فِرَقِ دینی نفرت آفرینی میکند باید مسئول بوجود آمدن این وضع، شناخته شود. مفتی اعظم لبنان همچنین برخی از مقامات را که به تحریک شهروندان علیه هم دست میزنند تا گور همدیگر را بکنند، چه رهبر( حزب و چه رهبریک فرقه مذهبی» باشند را مسئول وضع کنونی دانست.

نهارنت لبنان
۱۹ اوت ۳۰ مرداد
مفتی اعظم لبنان همه لبنانی ها را فراخواند تا سایه تهدید اسلحه ار از روی لبنان دور دور کنندً. قبانی گفت سلاح تهدید؛ به نابودی ملت منجر شده و پلهای ارتباط مردم را از هم میگسلد.
قبانی که بمناسبت عید سعید فطر سخن میگفت، اظهار داشت:«« هرگاه جاده ایی تخریب میشود، پل ارتباطی گروههای مخنلف مردم با هم درهم شکسته میشود.» او هشدار داد:« هرگاه زبان تهدید اسلحه بکار گرفته میشود، این؛ ملت است که ترور میشود.» نخست وزیر لبنان ازحمله مستمعین بود.
قبانی هشدار داد که نه مقامات دولتی کنونی و نه گذشته، نباید بخاطر وخیم شدن اوضاع کشور مورد شماتت قرار گیرند. او افزود: «هریک از شما و هر لبنانی که با ناروایی همراهی میکند باید بخاطر ایجاد این وضع مورد سر زنش قزار گیرد.
«هر شهروندی که حق خویش را مطالبه نکرده یا به وظیفه خود عمل نمیکند یا نسبت به سایر فِرَقِ دینی نفرت آفرینی میکند باید مسئول بوجود آمدن این وضع، شناخته شود. مفتی اعظم لبنان همچنین برخی از مقامات را که به تحریک شهروندان علیه هم دست میزنند تا گور همدیگر را بکنند، چه رهبر( حزب و چه رهبریک فرقه مذهبی» باشند را مسئول وضع کنونی دانست.
او تأکید کرد که از کشاندن لبنانی ها به مسائل منطقه باید اکیداً اجتناب شود . او از رهبران کشور و همه رهبران احزاب خواست تا بهمین نحو به مسئولیت خود عمل کنند. او از ارتش خواست از هرگونه جانبداری سیاسی خود داری کرده و از حضور خیابانی خود داری کند.
او تأکید کرد: « هرگونه کوششی، تحت هر شعاری و به هر عنوانی، غیر این یعنی، جرقه زدن به چاشنی کشمکش داخلی.»
خطاب به دولت، او در اشاره به پیش نویس قانون جدید انتخاباتی، گفت؛ این قانون را نپذیرید! زیرا این؛ مارا به جائی میرساند که هم اکنون رسیده ائیم. او گفت:« نیکبختی مردم لبنان در چنان قانون انتخاباتی ای است که به همه مردم لبنان اجازه دهد تا از خود نمایندگان شریف و متعهد خود برای به نمایندگی خویش برگزینند.»
(توضیح من: چندیست که بحث بین دو گزینه برای قانون انتخاباتی هست: ۱ ـ رای بر اساس حقوق فردی، شهروندی، غیر فرقه ایی و غیر سهمیه ایی ۲ ـ تقسیم آرای پارلمانی بر اساس سهمیه فرقه های مذهبی این گزینه دوم مورد مطلوب حزب الله است چون با متولی شدن حزب الله بر جمعیت زیاد شیعه مذهب لبنان، عملاً نیابت آرای شیعاین به حزب الله واگذار میشود که قدرت دائمی زیادی به آن تشکیلات، بعنوان وکیل و وصی توده شیعه مذهب لبنان میدهد و هژمونی آنرا تثبیت میکند. ح ت).
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کامنت من:
سخنان مفتی اعظم لبنان فریاد آن توده لبنانی است که از گردن کلفتیهای باجگیرانه سیاسی حزب الله بستوه آمده اند. با روند تقویت شونده کنونی حزب الله ستیزی در لبنان و با تضعیف موقعیت بشار اسد و سقوط قریب الوقوع او، سید حسن نصرالله و هزاران نفر از رهبران قابل تعقیب آن، هیچ چاره ایی جز اسباب کشی به ایران ندارند همچنانکه رهبری جهاد اسلامی مدتیست که اسباب کشی کرده است. برای رهبری کنونی حزب الله، جایی در لبنان آینده وجود ندارد.
پایان خبر . گزارش
………….
نهار نت لبنان
شنبه ۱۹ اوت ۳۰ مرداد

شیخ عبدل امیر غبلان

سخنرانی نایب رئیس شورای عالی اسلامی شیعیان شیخ عبدل امیر غبلان(ربطی به حزب الله ندارد. ح ت) در مسجد امام حسین بمناسبت عید سعید فطر.
او نیز سخنانی مشابه مفتی اعظم غبانی داشت و از جمله گفت:

«وفاداری ما باید نسبت به لبنان باشد. ما باید دولتی قوی ایجاد کنیم که برآورنده امیدهای مردم لبنان و تحکیم کننده صلح بین
آنان باشد»

کامنت من:
در برابر سخنان این دو شخصیت دینی بزرگ لبنان که در روز عید سعید فطر پیام صلح، دوستی و تحکیم همبستگی ملی لبنان ها را داشتند، شیخ حسن نصراالله رهبر حزب الله، بساط تعزیه و رجز خوانی ضداسترائیلی را براه انداخت و از جمله گفت: اگر اسرائیل جرئت حمله به لبنان را بخود دهد، آن کشور به اتش کشیده خواهد شد. این درحالیست که اولاً بحثی حمله اسرائیل به لبنان در میان نیست و دوماً، طی ۱۷ ماه قیام مردم سوریه بعد از مرگ بر بشار اسد هیچ فریاد مرگخواهیی دیگری، بجز مرگ بر ایران، روسیه و حزبالله ار مردم بپا خاسته آن کشور بر نخواسته است و امروز مبارزه با برتری جویی رژیم ایران، برای اعراب از اولویت بیشتری نسبت به مبارزه با اسرائیل بر خوردار گشته است.

Eid al-Fitr Sermons Focus on Solidarity and Rejection of Strife
إقرأ هذا الخبر بالعربیة
by Naharnet

Vice President of the Higher Islamic Shiite Council Sheikh Abdul Amir Qabalan said Sunday that Lebanon is in need for the solidarity of all its factions.

“Lebanon is in need for solidarity, love, affection and sincerity in dealing” amongst each other, Qabalan said in his Eid al-Fitr sermon during prayers at the Council’s headquarters.

The Lebanese should distance themselves from strife, he said.

Lebanon’s Grand Jaafarite Shiite Mufti Sheikh Ahmed Qabalan expressed a similar view by urging all politicians and religious leaders to form a “patriotic cell” that would mobilize all its efforts to preserve the country and steer it clear of “the ghosts of confessional explosions.”

“Lebanon is sitting at the tip of a volcano,” he said in his sermon during prayers at Imam al-Hussein mosque in the Bourj al-Barajneh district of Beirut’s southern suburbs.

Qabalan urged the Lebanese not to blow at the “burning coal of strife,” warning that the fire would be “comprehensive” and would reach everyone.

He also said President Michel Suleiman and the government should exert efforts to remove the “political trenches” erected among politicians.

“We should end the siege … and abolish the logic of differentiation between a Christian, a Sunni, a Druze and a Shiite,” he said.

“Our loyalty is for Lebanon,” Qabalan said, adding “We should base ourselves on that so that we become able to build a
strong state that would succeed in meeting the people’s hopes in consolidating stability and civil peace.”

لیبرالها و چپ های مصری در جستجوی آلترناتیوی بجای اسلامگریان

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Liberals and socialists seek Third Way in fightback
against Islamist, military dominance of Egypt’s political scene

لیبرال و سوسیالیستهای مصر در پی راه سوم بین نظامیان و اسلامگرایان

اهرام آنلاین ـ قاهره
۱۸ اوت ۲۹ مرداد
Nada Hussein Rashwan, Saturday 18 Aug 2012

In a political landscape seemingly dominated by Islamists and the military, Egypt’s secularists and liberals have launched what they hope will be new alternative.
The Third Current was launched in June by a number of prominent political figures and liberal parties with the aim of defending personal and political rights, and upholding the civil-democratic nature of the state.
The former tripartite liberal electoral bloc of the Free Egyptians Party, the Egyptian Social Democratic party and the Tagammu Party are the group’s main coordinators.
Calls for a ‘third way’ were first issued following the first round of Egypt’s presidential elections, when several nationalist and revolutionary forces called on Hamdeen Sabbahi – who came in third place – to spearhead the initiative.
Since the announcement of the Third Current, confusion over its composition has begun to surface, especially since few details were provided about it after its launch in late June.
Adding to the confusion, Nasserist figure Hamdeen Sabbahi, who was involved in the formation of the Third Current, announced in July that he is to form a “Popular Current” with the cooperation of a group of leftist parties.
The Popular Current aims to reach beyond politics into “social and developmental fields,” explained Sabbahi’s campaign manager Hossam Moeness.
Moeness denied allegation that Sabbahi had defected from the Third Current after disagreements with its members.
“Our vision is to execute projects that were in Hamdeen Sabbahi’s presidential programme, as well as establish a nationwide presence, partially as preparation for the next round of elections,” Moeness said.
Upcoming elections: The battle for the streets
The court-ordered dissolution of the Islamist-led People’s Assembly (Parliament’s lower chamber) in June appeared to offer liberal forces a second chance to form a sizable parliamentary bloc.
However, critics have accused the Third Current of failing to learn from past mistakes, such as concentrating on media appearances and failing to build a presence on the street.
“We have made progress from scratch,” Fawzi said. “Over the past year and a half we have established roots and managed to get a number of representatives into parliament.
“The Islamist presence on the streets was achieved through its charity activities, but we aim to establish a presence that the people can relate to politically.”
Parliamentary elections are to be held within two months after a constitution is approved by a national referendum, according to President Morsi’s new Egypt Constitutional Declaration.
However, it is unknown when that will be as the constituent assembly could be dissolved by a court decision in September.
Cooperation
“The Third Current and the Popular Current still have common battles for which they will cooperate,” said Moeness, referring to stances regarding the constitution and a possible electoral alliance.
The Constitution Party, which was launched in April and is led by prominent reform campaigner Mohamed ElBaradei, has already begun negotiations with representatives of parties in the Third Current regarding a parliamentary election coalition.
ElBaradei has stressed that the party aims to unite political groups rather than compete with them.
As ElBaradei’s party gears up for the elections, forces in the Third Current and the Popular Current are preparing to get out onto the streets.
“We have different working groups for conducting paperwork and planning organisational activities and we’re currently working out our stance on the constitution and the elections,” stated Fawzi.
“We cannot go into detail about how we’ll contest the elections as it depends on the new elections law, which will define the kind of alliances that can be formed.”

“Our launching conference will be after Eid,” Moeness added.

Third Current and revolutionary groups

Revolutionary groups have preferred to stay away from party politics and instead focused on organising themselves separately.
“We sat down with the Third Current and Hamdeen Sabbahi’s campaign. They believe the revolution will only succeed through elections, but we believe it is through popular struggle,” said Ahmed Ezzat, a member of the Revolutionary Socialists group.
“We told them we do not want a parliamentary coalition, but a revolutionary front. This is what the revolutionary forces are now discussing: the formation of a front of all revolutionary groups with the only aim of maintaining the popular struggle and preparing for the next revolutionary wave,” he concluded.
http://english.ahram.org.eg/News/49303.aspx
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اقتصاد سوریه میتواند بکمک ایران و عراق روی پای خود بایستد

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“Syria will increasingly look to Iran and its allies for financial support, as well as seeking alternative trading routes — Iraq, for example, is likely to become an increasingly prominent trade partner,” the EIU said, adding that Russia and China are likely to prevent a further tightening of sanctions.onomy May Hold On With Help from Friends

النهار لبنان
۱۸ اوت ۲۹ مرداد

aThe Syrian economy has been hit hard by more than 17 months of revolt but may still hold on despite international sanctions with the help of friendly countries such as Russia, Iran and Iraq, experts say.
All economic indicators in Syria, where President Bashar Assad is trying to crush an uprising against his rule, are in the red: the economy is contracting, inflation rates have skyrocketed, unemployment has risen and the current account deficit continues to increase.
“The economy is out of breath. It is degrading slowly but surely, a reflection of the gradual loss of government control,” said Jihad Yazigi, the director of online business news service The Syria Report.
The Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) said in a report released in July that it expects Syria’s real gross domestic product (GDP) to shrink by over eight percent in 2012.
“Rising violence will depress consumer spending, investment and, more generally, domestic economic activity,” it said.
Another study, by the Institute of International Finance, projected that Syria’s real GDP would contract by between 14 and 20 percent in 2012, due to declining agriculture production, dwindling investment, and a fall in exports due to violence and European sanctions.
Prices increased by 32.5 percent from May 2011 to May 2012, and 15.4 percent since the beginning of the year, according to official Syrian statistics.
And things could get worse.
“The fighting in recent weeks in Aleppo and Damascus will increase inflationary pressure as the two cities are very important centers of production,” Yazigi said.
Per-capita income is forecast to drop from $4,784 in 2010 to $4,259 in 2012, the budget deficit has grown significantly, and public debt, which represented 22.6 percent of GDP in 2010, exceeded 50 percent in 2012.
Government revenue is down by 40 percent, while spending has increased by 20 percent in two years.
And experts estimate that tourism and oil revenue lost due to the violence at $5 billion, while reconstruction could cost $10 billion.
‘War economy’
“The Syrian economy is running at 30 percent capacity and the banking system is a shadow of what it was a year ago as the state banks are under international sanctions and the private institutions are idling for caution,” said a European economist who recently left Damascus for Beirut.
Syria’s currency has fallen by 50 percent against the dollar in 17 months despite two sales of gold and silver by the central bank reportedly worth $3 billion, according to the economist, who did not want to be named.
Reserves, which totaled $19.5 billion at the end of 2010, are projected to fall to $4.2 billion by the end of 2016, according to the EIU.
Official Syrian media has also reported negative economic news in recent weeks.
At the beginning of August, Al-Watan daily, which is close to the Syrian regime, quoted Damascus Chamber of Commerce member Sonia Khanji as saying that 30 percent of Syria’s small and medium business had closed, resulting in higher unemployment, which stands at about 25 percent.
“Syria is in a state of war, the government should make more consistent efforts to revitalize” the country, Khanji told Agence France Presse, calling for budgetary, fiscal and monetary measures to face international sanctions.
Because of sanctions, oil production has fallen from 385,000 barrels per day (bpd) in 2010 to 182,000 bpd in 2012, and the value of exports fell from $12 billion in 2010 to $4 billion in 2012.
However, economists say that the Syrian economy will not imminently collapse.
“This is a survival economy, a war economy and the country can continue to plod along for a long time as it tends to live in isolation and dramatically reduce its imports, with the exception of weapons,” a Lebanese banker said.
“Syria will increasingly look to Iran and its allies for financial support, as well as seeking alternative trading routes — Iraq, for example, is likely to become an increasingly prominent trade partner,” the EIU said, adding that Russia and China are likely to prevent a further tightening of sanctions.
And Yazigi said that “the recent deal… with Russia and the soft loan of $1 billion recently received from Iran, if confirmed, show that authorities are not necessarily short of solutions.”

دموکراسی روسی!

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محکومیت گروه موزیک جوان پانک به دو سال زندان بجرم توهین به پوتین


خلاصه ترجمه و کامنت برای بعد ولی خلاصه میتوان گفت :
محکومیت سه آوازه خوان جوان رپ به ۲ سال زندان بخاطر توهین به پوتین.
فقط نشانه های سقوط است که آشکار میشود.

ح ت

وال استریت ژورنال
۱۷ اوت
Punk Band Given Two Years Over Anti-Kremlin Protest
Associated Press
Members of the feminist punk group Pussy Riot sit in a glass cage at a court room in Moscow on Friday.
MOSCOW—Three members of a once-unheralded feminist group—whose anti-Kremlin protest inside Russia’s main Orthodox cathedral led to one of the most politically charged trials of the country’s post-Soviet era—were convicted of hooliganism Friday and sentenced to two years in prison.
The diminutive provocateurs, in handcuffs, stood in a glass-enclosed pen in a Moscow courtroom as Judge Marina Syrova announced her decision, ratifying what critics of President Vladimir Putin call a growing crackdown on dissent.
Three members of a feminist group known as Pussy Riot were convicted of hooliganism Friday and sentenced to two years in prison after their anti-Kremlin protest inside Russia’s main Orthodox cathedral. Lukas Alpert joins Markets Hub from Moscow. Photo: Reuters.
Global Protests to Support Band
Demonstrators in Paris take part in a rally in support of Russian punk band Pussy Riot
Live Blog: Recap of the Verdict, Sentencing and Ongoing Reaction
Russia Accuses Activist of Embezzlement (Aug. 1, 2012)
The judge said the three young women, members of the Pussy Riot performance-art collective, committed “a grave violation of public order, showing obvious disrespect for society” by performing a “punk prayer” near the cathedral’s altar on Feb. 21.
Outside the brick courthouse, hundreds of people protested the verdict and police blocked the street with metal barriers to hold them back. At least 30 were detained, the Interfax news agency said. Nearby, about 50 Orthodox Christian believers demonstrated against the women, singing religious hymns.
Across the city, activists draped statues of the poet Alexander Pushkin and other historic figures with colored balaclavas like those worn by the women’s collective.
The case divided Russia, drew sharp international criticism and was viewed as a test of Mr. Putin’s tolerance for opposition activism, and prompted ridicule by critics of his 12-year domination of the country’s politics.
Arrested in early March, the three women have been held without bail on a charge of “hooliganism motivated by religious hatred,” which carries a maximum sentence of seven years in prison. Last week the prosecutor asked for three-year sentences.
The eight-day trial also highlighted, more sharply than any other, the cultural divide between the secular, Westernized forces that last winter began staging large demonstrations against Mr. Putin and more conservative Russians who, led in part by the Orthodox Church hierarchy, have rallied to his support.
And it underscored skepticism in Russia and abroad about the country’s commitment to judicial independence and the rule of law. While denying any bias, Judge Syrova rejected the defense lawyers’ requests to summon their own witnesses and struck down most of their questions to those called by the prosecutors.
The three defendants—Maria Alyokhina, 24 years old, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, 22, and Yekaterina Samutsevich, 30—testified that their Feb. 21 “punk prayer” in Moscow’s Christ the Savior Cathedral was a protest against the church’s leader, Patriarch Kirill I, for backing Mr. Putin’s candidacy in the March 4 presidential election.
Wearing brightly colored balaclavas, short skirts and tights, the women entered the nearly empty cathedral’s ambo, a railed-off area in front of the altar usually reserved for clergy, and began miming their performance—jumping around, kicking and playing air guitar while collaborators videotaped them.
Guards and attendants stopped them in less than a minute. But a video, spliced with earlier footage from a different church and set to music with lewd lyrics and the refrain “Mother of God, drive Putin out,” went viral on the Internet.
The performance aroused deep anger among many of the Orthodox faithful, who make up a majority of the Russian population. The patriarch, who had once hailed Mr. Putin’s rule as “a miracle of God,” denounced the women’s antics as “blasphemous” and led an open-air prayer service for tens of thousands in support of the church.
At the trial, prosecution lawyers went beyond the hooliganism charge and accused Pussy Riot of insulting the entire Christian world. They sought to portray the women as devils and the church as the target of heretical attacks by secular society, especially the liberal political opposition.
Nine church workers presented as victims in the case testified that they had been suffering “moral damage” since witnessing the stunt.
In closing statements on Aug. 10, the women asked Orthodox believers to forgive them for any offense. They said their stunt was part of a series of performance-art protests launched last fallout of disgust for the Putin regime, not for religion.
In her ruling Friday, Judge Syrova said the women made no mention of Mr. Putin or politics inside the cathedral.
The women’s defenders mounted a world-wide campaign, gaining support from Russian and Western music stars, including Madonna, Paul McCartney and Sting. The U.S. State Department voiced concern about what it called the “politically motivated prosecution of the Russian opposition and pressure on those who express dissenting views, ” while the U.S. Embassy in Russia criticized the sentence handed by the court.
“Today’s sentence in the Pussy Riot case looks disproportionate to the actions,” the embassy wrote on its Twitter microblog in Russian.
Rallies on behalf of Pussy Riot were held in American and European cities at the hour of Friday’s court session.
In Ukraine four feminists, one of them topless, used a chain saw to hack down a wooden cross in Kiev’s central square. About 300 people at London’s Royal Court Theatre heard three British actresses read translations of the defendant’s closing statements to the court.
In Russia, initial outrage over the stunt and support for harsh punishment dwindled as the women languished in jail.
A survey by the independent Levada Center in March found that 46% of Russians thought the women should serve at least two years in prison. By last month, those holding that view had dropped to 26%, while 49% said they should be sentenced to perform community service or pay fines.
The shifting sentiment raised the question of Mr. Putin’s interest in the case.
Since his return to the presidency on May 7, after four years as prime minister, his government has prosecuted other demonstrators, raided opposition leaders’ homes, and tightened laws on public protests, Internet regulation and nongovernmental groups—all without provoking a resurgence of the large demonstrations that rattled the Kremlin last winter.
But except for the Pussy Riot three, no activist arrested in the months of unrest has spent more than a few weeks in jail, and Russian commentators said a long sentence for the women might radicalize the opposition. After weeks of silence about the case, Mr. Putin said early this month the women “should not be judged too harshly,” though he saw “nothing good” in their performance.
As the trial sped toward a conclusion, sessions ran as long as 10 hours a day and the defendants said they weren’t able to get enough rest or food in between to properly prepare for testimony.
Judge Syrova rejected allegations of favoritism toward the prosecution and turned down defense motions to remove herself from the case.
Write to Richard Boudreaux at richard.boudreaux@wsj.com and Alexander Kolyandr at Alexander.Kolyandr@dowjones.com
Corrections & Amplifications
Defendant Yekaterina Samutsevich is 30 years old. An earlier version of this article incorrectly said

—————————-http://www.guardian.co.uk/music/2012/aug/17/pussy-riot-sentenced-prison-putin

دردسر سازی نیویورک تایمز برای یکی از بزرگترین مقامات قضایی مصر

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لحظه ایی نباید در این نکته دوچار توهم شد که هنگامیکه اخوان از تجدید نظر در قرار داد کمپ دیوید سخن میگوید هدفش اینست تا با حاکم کردن جو اسرائیل ستیزی رقیبان داخلی خود را قلع و قمع کند. کوبیدن بر طبل مبارزه با اسرائیل هدفش نه جنگ با اسرائیل بلکه فضا آفریبنی برای کوبیدن همان سکولاریستهایی چپ و راستی است که حاضر نخواهند بود ونشوند پرچم سیاسی مستقل خود را زمین گذارده و به سیاق ما ایرانیان فریاد زنند:« ما همه پیرو توایم خمینی! گوش بفرمان تو ایم خمینی) پشت سر خمینی نماز اطاعت و عبودیت بگذارند. مبارزه با اسرائیل و آمریکا بهانه است، هدف برانگیختن احساسات سطحی مردم است تا در سایه آن قدرت انحاصری شده ودگر اندیشان سرکوب شوند

خانم طحانه گبانی رئیس دادگاه قانون اساسی مصر که در جریان انتخابات اخیر و هجوم اسلامیستها برای تسخیر تمام و کمال ساختار قدرت جلو آنها ایستاد و به شورای نظامی حاکم محمل های قانونی لازم را داد تا جلوی سیطره انحصاری اسلامیستها را بگیرد؛ حالا بخاطر اینکه در آن موقع بطور خصوصی به نظامیان « شورای عالی حاکم نظامی » توصیه کرده بوده است که تا هنگام تصویب یک قانون اساسی دموکراتیک قدرت را به اسلامیستها واگذار نکنند، به مخمسه افتاده است. خبر نگار نیویو رک تایمز برای اینکه یک «تک خال » ژورنالیستی بزند و پاداشتی بگیرد، این صحبت او را با شورای رسانه ایی کرده است. او حال باید جواب گوی این حرکت غیر قانونی خود باشد که عملاً در صورت اثبات اعتبار قضائی او را سلب میکند. دادستان در این زمینه دستور تحقیقات قتنونی را داده است.
اگر خانم گبانی بعداها به سرنوشت دکتر فرخ رو پارسا دوچار نشود خوب است. جامعه سنتی و بیمار مذهبی مصر، میتواند در اعدام چنهین کسی هورا و هلهله بکشد چون شکل و شمایل او از جنس جامعه سنتی و عقب مانده مصر نیست. البته اگر اسلامیستهای مصری موفق شوند همانقدر مستقر شوند که خمینی در ایران موفق شد، جامعه عقب مانده مصر یک جشن بزرگ آدم کشی و «بسم القاسم الجبارین» خواهد داشت و ضیافت مرگ و اعدامخواهی طولانی تر از اعدام چند نفر خواهد شد. ولی مسلط شدن آنها بعید است و من خود میدانم که احتمال اجرای این سناریو در شرایط فعلی تقریباً غیر ممکن است ولی هدفم از باز گویی این سناریو، وانمایی آن پتانسیلی از خشونتگرایی است که در جنبش اسلامگرای مصر وجود دارد.
در هر حال این خانم کسی است که پارلمان عقیم شده ۷ ماه قبل را که اسلامگرایان با تقلب در آن اکثریتی ۷۰% ی را کسب کرده بودند منحل کرد و از بعد آن، مجلس بازنگری قانون اساسی را هم که آن پارلمان منحله تشکیل داده بود منحل کرد. و مورسی را وادار کرد تا به سالن «دیوان عالی قانون اساسی » آمده در آنجا سوگند ریاست جمهوری یاد کند. مرسی را واداشت تا انحلال پارلمان اسلامی را و متم قانونی صادره از سوی شورای نظامی را که به آن شورا قدرتی در حد ریاست جمهور میداد را برسمیت بشناسد. در یک کلام تا آنجا که به چار چوب حقوقی قدرت ریاست جمهوری مربوط میشد، پر و بال رئیس جمهور (مرُسی) را چید و او را تا سطح تدارکچی تقلیل داد. اما مُرسی با ضد حمله متقابل و کودتای سیاسی اخیر در ساختار قدرت، دست به تعرض متقابل زده و برای خود اتوریته عزل و نسب فرماندهی ارتش را بعنوان قدرتمندترین بخش دستگاه اجرایی و ساختار حقیقی قدرت ، بر رقیبان خود فرادستی روانی کسب کرده است. همین امروز؛ منعم ابولفتوح رهبر سابق اخوان با ابراز شعفی ناگفتنی ناشی از عزل طنطاوی و عنان و پیش دستی گرفتن مُرسی بر گاردهای قدیم قدرت، گفت: قدم بعدی مُرسی باز نگری در قرار داد کمپ دیوید است. نباید برای لحظه ایی در این نکته دوچار توهم شد که هنگامیکه اخوان از تجدید نظر در قرار داد کمپ دیوید سخن میگوید هدفش اینست تا با حاکم کردن جو اسرائیل ستیزی رقیبان داخلی خود را قلع و قمع کند. کوبیدن بر طبل مبارزه با اسرائیل هدفش نه جنگ با اسرائیل بلکه فضا آفریبنی برای کوبیدن همان سکولاریستهایی چپ و راستی است که حاضر نخواهند بود ونشوند پرچم سیاسی مستقل خود را زمین گذارده و به سیاق ما ایرانیان فریاد زنند:« ما همه پیرو توایم خمینی! گوش بفرمان تو ایم خمینی) پشت سر خمینی نماز اطاعت و عبودیت بگذارند. مبارزه با اسرائیل و آمریکا بهانه است، هدف برانگیختن احساسات سطحی مردم است تا در سایه آن قدرت انحاصری شده ودگر اندیشان سرکوب شوند. شاید سکولار های مصری زود تر از ما ایرانیان بخود آیند و بدانند که به اسلامگرایان نمیتوان اطمینان کرد!
………..
توجه!
برای تعقیب ماجرا به یاداشت بعدی لینک زیر مراجعه نمائید!

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story about Egypt’s judge advising generals as ‘accurate’

العربیه انگلیسی

Tuesday, 14 August 2012

Tahani el-Gebali (R), Egypt’s deputy president of the Supreme Constitutional Court, allegedly told New York Times’ Cairo bureau chief David Kirkpatrick that she advised the military general to stop Islamists from reaching power. (Al Arabiya
A senior New York Times editor on Monday made it clear to Al Arabiya that the American newspaper is standing by a story which suggests that a top Egyptian judge said that she urged army generals to block the Muslim Brotherhood movement from reaching power.
The story (published on July 3, 2012) was based on an interview conducted by the NY Times Cairo bureau chief, David Kirkpatrick, with Tahani el-Gebal, Egypt’s deputy president of the Supreme Constitutional Court.
Egypt’s state prosecutor Abdul Majid Mahmoud on Monday ordered an investigation of el-Gebali based on the NY Times story which suggests that she advised military generals not to transfer powers to civilians before a new constitution is formed.
However, several Egyptian media reports had suggested Judge Gebali claimed the interview with the NY Times “never took place” and that she intended to sue the U.S. paper.
She also reported claimed her comments to Kirkpatrick only bore her response to a U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s statement in which she accused the Egyptian justice as politicized.
Michael Slackman, the New York Times’ Deputy Foreign Editor, however, told Al Arabiya English over the phone that “all the information in the story occurred during an interview between David Kirkpatrick and the judge and his story accurately reflects the interview that he did.”
“All of the information about the interview is reflected in the story, which is both accurate and bare,” Slackman added.
According to the Times report, Gebali said Egypt’s former ruling generals wanted to wait until they knew “who they were handing power to and on what basis.
Judge Gebali also was quoted as saying that she was in contact with the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) since May 2011 when liberal and secular powers took to the street of Cairo to demand an end to the military rule. The Muslim Brotherhood movement at the time refused to take part in the demonstrations.

“This changed the vision of the military council,” she was quoted by the Times as saying. “It had thought that the only popular power in the street was the Muslim Brotherhood.”

Gebali reportedly added that she started to help the military council draft a set of binding constitutional rules that would protect it from the oversight of a civilian government.
She also reportedly urged the SCAF to dissolve the democratically-elected parliament, which was dominated by Islamists.
“I knew the elections would bring a majority from the movements of political Islam,” Judge Gebali reportedly told the Times.
“Democracy isn’t only about casting votes; it’s about building a democratic infrastructure. We put the cart in front of the horse,” she was quoted as saying.
Former member of the Egyptian Parliament, Mohamed el-Omda, who had lodged a complaint against Gebali to the state prosecutor, also demanded the questioning of New York Time’s Cairo Bureau Chief Kirkpatrick.
Al Arabiya English tried to obtain a comment from Kirkpatrick, but he deferred all questions relating to the matter to the New York-based Slackman, who is also the paper’s former Cairo Bureau

Link
http://english.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/08/14/232113.html

عراق جای ایران را در تولید نفت در اوپک میگیرد.

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در کشور همسایه عراق؛ ایران، در همین دوره، میزان تولید ۷۰۰٫۰۰۰ بشکه کاسته شده و به ۲٫۸ میلون بشکه در روز رسیده است.

داگنز نرینگز لیو ـ نروژ
۱۴ اوت ۲۵ مرداد
تولید نفت عراق در این ماه رکورد جدیدی ازخود بجا گذاشته و با سقف ۳٫۲ میلیون بشکه نفت تولید روزانه به سطح بالاتری میرسد که این کشور را به دومین تولید کننده در اوپک تبدیل میکند.
عربستان سعودی در حال حاضر تنها کشور اوپک است که نفت بیشتری از عراق تولید میکند ولی عراق برای اولین بار طی ۲۰ سال گذشته است که به چنین سطحی از تولید میرسد.
حسین شهرستانی معاون وزیر انرژی عراق میگوید که تولید عراق حالا دیگر از کشور ایران و امارات متحده و کویت پیشی گرفته است.
مداخله نظامی آمریکا د رعراق و جنگ داخلی متعاقب آن موجب تخریب بخش بزرگی از زیر ساختارهای تأسیسات نفتی گردید.
در سالهای اخیر، مقامات بغداد با علم به اینکه بخش عمده درآمد و بودجه دولت از نفت تأمین میشود تلاش بسیاری کرده اند تا تولید نفت را از نو روی پای خود بیاورند که به افزایش چشم گیر تولید منجر گردیده است.
برابر داده های آماری اوپک، متوسط تولید ژولای( ماه گذشته ـ تیر) عراق، به سطح ۳٫۱ میلیون بشکه در روز رسید که نسبت به سطح تولید در آغاز سال، ۴۰۰٫۰۰۰ بشکه افزایش تولید را نشان میدهد.[ یعنی بیش از ۱۳% در عرض ۷ ماه و معنی این جز این نیست که بخشی از بازار از دست رفته ایران را گرفته است ـ ح ت.]*
در کشور همسایه ایران، در همین دوره، میزان تولید ۷۰۰٫۰۰۰ بشکه کاسته شده و به ۲٫۸ میلون بشکه در روز رسیده است.
انتظار میرود که تفاوت تولید بین این دو کشور در سالهای آینده باز هم بیشتر شود. عراق میدانهای نفتی خود را بروی تعداد بسیاری ازکمپانیهای بزرگ نفتی دنیا گشوده است و هدف ۳٫۵ میلیون بشکه تولید روزانه را برای سال جاری در برابر خود نهاده است که مقامات بغداد، از این میزان تولید انتظار دارند که بتوانند میزان ۲٫۶ میلیون بشکه آنرا روزانه صادر کنند.
عراق د رحال حاضر نشان داده است که ۱۴۳٫۱ میلیون بشکه ذخایر شناخته شده نفتی و مقادیر عظیمی گاز طبیعی را دارد.
پابان گزارش
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کامنت من:
اولاً «داگنز نرینگ لیو» یک روزنامه اقتصادی و غیر سیاسی در نروژاست که به اینگونه قضایا فقط نگاه اقتصادی دارد و با توجه به خود نروژ که یک کشور صادر کننده بزرگ نفتی در اروپاست، تحلیل و گزارشهای آن کارشناسانه و قابل اعتماد.
دوماً حدود دو ماه پیش همزمان با اجرای تحریمات اتحادیه اروپا علیه ایران که همه مقامات ایران سعی میکردند با شانه بالا انداختن اهمیت آنها را ناچیز جلوه داده و ادعا کنند که میتوانند آنها را دور بزنند و با هزینه های صدها میلیون دلاری ده ها واحد از ناوگان نفتی ایران را تند تند تجدید رنگ آمیزی و تعوض پرچم و تغیر ثبت کنند، روزنامه های بزرگ دنیا از جمله گاردین و وال استریت ژورنال، نوشتند مشکل برای ایران تنها این نیست که تولید و صادرات نفت آن کاهش می یابد و مشتری های بزرگی را که به زحمت بدست آورده است از دست میدهد بلکه مشکل بزرگتر اینست که مقدار زیادی از نفت استخراجی ایران از چاه های قدیمی بدست می آید که در کنار نفت استخراجی، گاز مورد مصرف و صادراتی هم استخراج میگردد که با توقف تولید نفت این چاه هااستخراج گاز هم متوقف میشود و با بسته شدن لاجرم آنها، بعید است ایران بتوان به آسانی آنها را از نو به بهره برداری برساند.
من در همان موقع این گزارشها را ترجمه و در یاداشتهای آن موقع خود در این سایت گذاردم. وقت یافتن لینکهای آنها را ندارم . کاربرانی که علاقمندند، با قدری نگاه میتوانند آنها را در لیست یادشتهای فوریه تا ژوئن پیدا کنند.
………….
توجه!
اگر وقت دارید به این لینک هم نگاهی بیاندازید!
http://iranesabz.se/?p=6941

Mohamed Morsi’s move raises new questions for Egypt

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Mohamed Morsi (right) and the newly appointed Egyptian defence minister, Abdel-Fatah el-Sissi. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images

The purge of senior officers from Egypt’s military ends confusion over where official power lies but plenty of uncertainty remains

Issandr El Amrani
guardian.co.uk, Monday 13 August 2012 17.07 BST
Mohamed Morsi (right) and the newly appointed Egyptian defence minister, Abdel-Fatah el-Sissi. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images
It is hard to believe that the timing of moves by Egypt’s president, Mohamed Morsi, to purge senior officers from the military and impose his power was purely coincidental. It was the 23rd day of Ramadan, the evening of the Night of Power, during which the Qur’an was first revealed to the Prophet Muhammad.
The Qur’an states that the Night of Power “is better than a thousand months” – this seems apt considering that these changes seemingly put an end to many months of confusion about where power lies in the new Egypt.
But is it for the better? And where does power lie now?
Within the military, it is clear that the new figure of power is Abdel-Fatah el-Sissi , formerly head of military intelligence and now the minister of defence. H
Considerably younger that Hussein Tantawi, the ageing general he replaced who was first appointed by Hosni Mubarak in 1992, El-Sissi brings with him several younger officers. His ascension puts an end to a months-long power struggle over who is in control of the military.
The lack of an immediate challenge to Sunday’s moves suggests that, essentially, there has been a successful coup within the military, in alliance with Morsi. We also know this new military leadership is willing to give Morsi the powers their predecessors had refused him – Morsi could not have regained control without their help. This speaks not of a triumphant civilian president getting the generals in line, but of a confluence of interests. It does not tell us whether it will last, or where the balance of power lies therein.
Recent events, notably the deadly assault by terrorists on an Egyptian border guard outpost in Sinai last week, provided the opportunity for Morsi and his uniformed allies to move against the army’s old guard. The removal of Tantawi and other officers had been preceded by the sacking of the head of the intelligence services, a surprising move in itself. But it was an opportune event more than a cause in itself, as the limbo prevailing since Morsi’s election, which had been robbed of its significance by last-minute changes to Egypt’s interim constitution that had effectively made Tantawi an elected co-president, could not last.
Not only has the confusion over where official power lies been partly resolved, but efforts by anti-Morsi forces to push the military into deposing him (increasingly vocally expressed in the media) now seem moot.
We do not know, however, what will come next. Morsi now has quasi-dictatorial powers in the absence of a parliament. Retired officers have been given golden parachutes and it is unlikely that they will be held accountable, as many revolutionaries demand, for the dozens of deaths and thousands of arbitrary military trials that took place under their watch.
The prospect of a military-Islamist alliance is a chilling one, particularly considering the disarray of the secular opposition, who, as much as they support civilian rule, now worry about an Islamist power-grab.
Much will depend on what Morsi does next. He has a responsibility to bring together a fractured country behind a consensual constitution and new parliamentary elections.
He must balance the desires of his own Islamist camp with the fears of secularists, the demands for reform of revolutionaries with the conservatism of his new allies in the military. There is no excuse for lack of action, now that Morsi is finally empowered.
Issandr El Amrani is a writer and analyst on Middle Eastern affairs. He is a former North Africa analyst at the International Crisis Group and publishes The Arabist blog