Archive for: August 2014

پوتینیسم خطری برای صلح جهانی

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ولادیمیر پوتین به سرنوشت همه دیکتاتورهای به بن بست رسیده تاریخ دوچار گردیده و برای خود راه بازگشتی باقی نگذارده است. او در این تصور است که با تروریسم هسته ایی و شانتاژ نظامی  سلاح نفت و گاز شاید بتواند با غرب و اوکرائین به نقطه ایی از توازن قوا و تعامل برسد که حیثیتش بین آن جامعه ۸۰% ی  کوک شده روس از بین نرود. حیثیت و اعتباری که از دست دادن آن بمعنی یک انقلاب واقعی در روسیه علیه رژیم پوتین و نظام دزد سالار تحت فرمانروایی اوست.

Vladimir Putin posters

ویژیگیهای دیکتاتوری پوتین را باید درک کرد تا به میزان  توان دمسازی آن با جهان پی برد

بدلایلی که در ادامه این بحث بدان خواهم پرداخت، دیکتاتوریهای امروز دنیا به نسبت پیوستگیهای بین المللی اشان و ویژگی ساختار قدرت و پایگاه اجتماعیشان؛ از جامعه و مردم تحت حاکمیتشان گذشته میتوانند به خطری جدی برای صلح و امنیت تمام دنیا تبدیل گردند.

نشانه های چنین خطری را نه در سطح نموداری سیاست روز و تعاملات پر نوسان و مقطعی آنها با دنیای آزاد بلکه در آن دینامیسم و محرکه پایداری باید دید که ازعمق ساختار آنها برخاسته و جهت یابی تکاملی اشان را تعین میکند و برآیند جمع اضدادی و بی آیندگی ساختاری آنها در جمع جامعه جهانی است. (INTERACTIONS).

رژیم پوتین یکی از این نوع دیکتاتوریهاست که متأسفانه بر روی زرادخانه عظیمی از سلاحهای کشتار جمعی نشسته و در کجراههِ “بن بستفرجامی” که برگزیده است، نمیتواند از راهی که او را نهایتاً به تروریسم هسته ایی و تهدیدِ به کار بردِ این زرادخانه میراند بازگرداند. پرداختن به مسئله ایی مانند پوتینیسم، بدون پرداختن به ویژگی دیکتاتوری آن چندان راه بجایی نمیبرد.

مفهومسازیهای سیاسی چند دهه گذشته بشمول مفهوم دیکتاتوری و دموکراسی نه در آکادمیهای علوم سیاسی وجامعه شناسی سیاسی بلکه در عرصه میدانی و مبارزه دو نظام کاپیتالیستی و کمونیستی توسط احزاب ایدئولوژیک و سیاسی انجام گرفته است که موارد تطبیقی و مصداقهای این مفاهیم نه با موازین جامعه شناسی سیاسی و تاریخی بلکه بر مبنای ذائقه و تعلقات سیاسی  خود آن مفهوم سازان شکل گرفته  و به فرهنگ سیاسی عوام هم تبدیل گردیده است. در ایران ما این مفهوم سازیها عمداتاً میراث حزب توده بوده است که بمرور به سایر جریانها به ارث رسیده است.

بطور نمونه، مفاهیمی مانند : نیروهای مترقی، دموکراتیک، حقوق بشری، ضد امپریالیستی چنان  دلبخواهی تعریف شده اند که مخرج مشترک همه آنها ضد غربی بودنشان است که تعین کننده معنای آنها گردیده. در این فرهنگ سیاسی، مفهوم دیکتاتوری نیز چنان تعریف شده که فقط دیکتاتوریهای (غالباً توسعه گرای غربگرا)  را شامل شده است. در این دائرة المعارف سیاسی ایدئو لوژیک نوشته  شده،  نه رژیم شوروی دیکتاتوری بوده است، نه رژیم کاسترو و  پوتین امروز هستند.

اگر این اغتشاش آفرینی مفهوم سازانه فقط به عرصه نظری منتهی میگردید شاید کم اهمیت گرفتن آن چندان مهم نبود ولی متأسفانه امروزه چون چنین اتیکتهای کلیشه ایی در جامعه ذهنیت سازی میکنند؛ با انگیزه سازی خود مستقیماً در موازانه نیروهای اجتماعی و پایگاهی بین المللی دیکتاتوریها یا نیروهای ضد دیکتاتوری ، صلح و ضد صلح تأثیر جدی میگذارند.

علاوه بر تعاریف خود ساخته از مفاهیم سیاسی یکی دیگر از بزرگترین نقایص این نگاه کلیشه ایی عمده کردن نمودها و اشکال کاربرد قهر و ناچیز سازی ماهیت پدیده قهر و زور است.

این نگاه کلیشه ایی برای القاء خود به ذهن جامعه ماهیت و جهتگیری قهر را پنهان و شکل استفاده از آنرا مطلق میسازد. مثلاً حمله اسرائیل برای سرکوب حماس در غزه را بر اساس تلفات و ضایعات انسانی آن تعریف کرده و علاوه بر مخدوش کردن مرز بین جنگ افروز و غیر جنگ افروز،  خطر حماس را که بخشی از یک جریان تروریستی و بنیاد گرایی با عمق استراتژیک جهانی با اهداف ایدئو لوژیک دینی است را  در کنارتلفات غیرنظامیان در اثر حمله اسرائیل قرار داده و برای این جریان شناسنامه ضد امپریالیستی و ضد صهیونیستی (مترقیانه) صادر میکند  تا  بتواند خطر پیروزی حماس را در تقویت بنیاد گرایی و دیکتاتوریهایی نظیر ایران، بشار اسد و روسیه،  برای مردم منطقه و دنیا نادیده گیرد.

بگذریم از اینکه از منظر خشونت محض هم، این حماس بوده و هست که با بکُشت دادن غیر نظامیان برای خود شهید سازی کرده تا به  کورهِ گفتمان ایدئولوژیک خود سوخت رسانی کند. حماس براحتی میتوانست بین خط جبهه و درگیری با جمعیت غیر نظامی فاصله ایجاد کند که ضایعات ناشی از درگیری فقط به نیروهای مسلح دو طرف محدود شود.

این نگاه ایدئولوژیک با نادیده گرفتن عمدی یا تقلیل دادن خطر پیروزی حماس بر اسرائیل، در حقیقت هزینه بلند مدت و دامنه  تأثیرجغرافیایی سیاسی و هزینه این پیروزی را برای منطقه و دنیا به محاق میسپارد.

این نگاه کلیشه ایی با لوٍث کردن اهمیت ویژه جهتگیری تاریخی و جهانی توسعه گرایانه دیکتاتوریهای نظیر حکومت  شاه، انور سادات و مبارک و … ، با اتیکت زنی عام دیکتاتوری بر همه آنها، مرز بین آنها با دیکتاتوریهای (طایفه ایی، خانوادگی، و دارو دسته محورِ) قذافی، ایدی امین بشار اسد و خامنه ای و پوتین را مخدوش میکند.

بنظر من با یک نگاه دقیق جامعه شناختی سیاسی، دیکتاتوری امروزی پوتین را نمیتوان حتی با دیکتاتوری هیتلری همسان دانست زیرا هیتلریسم بیان ناسیونالیسم ایدئولوژیک افراطی آلمان، و در هر حال آلمان محور بود در حالیکه پوتینیسم بیان منافع باندهای مافیایی قدرتی است که برای آنها نه روسیه بلکه فقط منافع دزد سالارانه خودشان مطرح است. نازیسم تجاوز کرد و اروپا را بخاک و خون کشاند تا آلمان را به قدرت فائقه جهانی تبدیل کند و پوتین در راه اینست که با دنیا به چالش و درگیری هسته ایی بر خیزد تا از منافع باند کلیپتوکرات(دزد سالار) حاکم به سر دستگی شخص خود بر روسیه دفاع کند.

قریب ۱۷۰ سال پیش جان استوارت میل** یکی از کلاسیکهای لیبرالیسم در توضیج دیکتاتوری اکثریت نوشت که این دیکتاتوری از دیکتاتوری اقلیت خطرناکتر است زیرا دیکتاتوری اقلیت؛ فقط ماشین سیاسی را علیه نافرمانی مردم و افراد جامعه بکار میگیرد اما نمیتواند فضای اجتماعی را برای اقلیت چندان خفقان آمیز کند ولی دیکتاتوری اکثریت، خفقان و سرکوب را تا زندگی پیرامونی و محیط خصوصی افراد گسترش میدهد.

پوپولیسم پوتین که در حقیقت خاک بچشمان مردم روسیه پاشیده است، پس حمله به کریمه و ضمیمه آنجا و دخالت  تجاوزگرانه به جنوب اوکرائین، بنا به برخی داده های آماری از حمایت نزدیک به ۸۰% جامعه روس برخوردار شده است. توده توسری خورده و عاری از رهبری جدی سیاسی روسیه چنان در دام پوپولیسم فاجعه آفرین پوتین افتاده است که فقط با گذشتن از پل جهنم و کباب شدن در کوره آن ممکنست بیدار شود البته اگر فرصت یابد و از هم نپاشد.

بنا به نوشته لوک هاردی خبر نگار گاردین در کتاب دولت مافیایی، دیکتاتوری پوتین امروزه ماشین بوروکراسی روسیه را  تا بیش از ۷۰%  تحت کنترول افرادی قرار داده است که مستقیماً ازک گ ب سابق آمده اند. رژیم پوتین، هم مُتد و هم نام سازمانی ک گ ب را تغیر داده است.  اگر  ک . گ .ب  سابق تحت کنترول دفتر سیاسی و کمیته مرکزی حزب کمونیست بود، FSB ، که جایگزین آن دستگاه مخوف پلیسی گردیده فقط تحت فرمان پوتین است. و این سازمان جدید بلحاظ پرسنل تا ۳ برابر قبلی گسترش یافته است. روش کار این سازمان اطلاعاتی جدید نیز تغیر یافته و نه بر اساس سرکوب سخت افزاری بلکه بر اساس نرم افزاری است. این سازمان بجای دستگیری و محاکمه و تبعید مخالفان پوتین، رسماً توسط جوخه های مرگ؛ مخالفین جدی رژیم را ترورکرده، بنیاد خانواده منتقدین را بهم میریزد، مانع کاریابی آنها میشود، حتی مشکلات و جریمه های ترافیکی پی درپی برای منتقدین ایجاد میکند، برای آنها رسوائیهای مالی و جنسی  ترتیب میدهد، منازل آنها را سرقت میکند و.. .

دیکتاتوری پوتین با کنترل کامل بر همه شبکه رسانه ای کشور و کنترول همه نبض های اقتصادی، احزاب سیاسی و نهاد های مدنی درکشور را به حیوانات مطیع سیرک دموکراسی روسی خود تبدیل کرده است. متدهای بکار گرفته شده توسط FSB *** چنان مرعوب و خُرد کننده بوده  و از آنچنان کارآئی بالایی برخوردارند که امید اینکه به آسانی یک مقاومت سیاسی در روسیه دربرابر ماجرا جوئیهای رژیم  شکل گرفته و اپوزیسیونی بوجود آید  را از انسان میگیرد.

هرچند تحریمهای غرب علیه روسیه تا کنون پر تأثیر بوده اند، به فرار وسیع سرمایه و کاهش سرمایه گذاری و فرار وسیع مغزها منجر شده اند ولی سیر حوادث اوکرائین و مداخلات خطرناک روسیه در آنکشور با چنان سرعتی پیش میروند که قبل از تأثیر گذاری جدی این تحریمها و بیدار شدن بدنه اجتماعی جامعه، ممکنست کار روسیه به یک رویارویی نظامی وسیع با اروپا و کل ناتو بکشد. همچنانکه گفته شد، این درحالیست که شانس پیدا شدن یک نیروی بازدارنده سیاسی در داخل روسیه بعلت دیکتاتوری (نرم افزارانه) پوتین تقیریباً صفراست و خطر بزرگ در همینجاست.

در موردی مانند جنگ اخیر غزه؛ اگر حمله اسرائیل برای مردم آنکشور توجیه واقعی نمی یافت یا اگر این حملات نتیجه مطلوب را نمیداد بیشک افکار عمومی و احزاب پارلمانی اسرائیل به دولت نتانیاهو، بی توجه به نفع و ضررموقتی و بی توجه به حیثیت سوزی، از طریق اعتراض عمومی و یا سلب صلاحیت پارلمانی و سایر مکانیسم های قانونی مانع ادامه سیاست دولت نتانیاهو میگردید. ولی در مورد روسیه و پوتین نه این و نه آن امکان وجود دارد.

ولادیمیر پوتین به سرنوشت همه دیکتاتورهای به بن بست رسیده تاریخ دوچار گردیده و برای خود راه بازگشتی باقی نگذارده است. او در این تصور است که با تروریسم هسته ایی و شانتاژ نظامی  سلاح نفت و گاز شاید بتواند با غرب و اوکرائین به نقطه ایی از توازن قوا و تعامل برسد که حیثیتش بین آن جامعه ۸۰% ی  کوک شده روس از بین نرود. حیثیت و اعتباری که از دست دادن آن بمعنی یک انقلاب واقعی در روسیه علیه رژیم پوتین و نظام دزد سالار تحت فرمانروایی اوست.

تا همین امروز نگاه نیروهای مدعی چپ نه تنها در میهن ما بلکه در دنیا و غالباً جهان سوم، به دیکتاتوری خشن کمونیستی روسی که حتی با تعاریف خود کلاسیکهای این مشرب سیاسی ایدئولوژیک هم خوانایی نداشت؛ چنان است که آنها حاضر نیستند ۷۰ سال حکومت استالینستی در امپراطوری روسیه را دیکتاتوری گروهی یا فردی بنامند در حالیکه از نظر مدعیان همین گرایش، حکومتهای انور سادات، حسنی مبارک، شاه، شیوخ عرب از شاخصهای دیکتاتوری در جهان بوده و هستند. این در حالیست که، اگر در ویژگی دیکتاتوری حزبی شوروی بخوبی تدقیق شود، حتی دیکتاتوری پینوشه در مقایسه با آن نظام را باید دموکراسی نامید. خشونت دیکتاتوری پینوشه از دوران کودتا و کسب قدرت که به کشتار و سرکوب مردم منجر شد بگذریم، در دوران پس از استیلا بهیچ وجه با رفتارسیاسی حکومتهای بلوک ورشو حتی در آزادترین آنها قابل مقایسه نیست. منتها آنچه دیکتاتوری پیوشه را شاخص و ضرب المثلی کرد در درجه اول فرادستی جریانهای چپ در عرصه مفهوم سازیهای عصر جنگ سرد در کشورهای جهان سوم و متأثر ازباصطلاح  سیستم جهانی سوسیالیسم بود. کمتر کسی هست که امروزه دیگر از خود بپرسد اگر سوسیالیسم در شیلی آنروز مستقر میشد هزینه اش برای مردم شیلی و آمریکای جنوبی چه میبود؟ کافیست به کارنامه  رژیمهای انتخابی برگزیده شده چاوز و جانشین او نیکولا مادورا در ونزوئلا و آنهم در دوران گشایش فضای سیاسی در دنیا نظر بیفکنیم وضع در نیکاراگوئه ساندینیستی هم از نظر فساد و قوم خویش بازی و طایفه گرایی از ونزوئلا بهتر نیست.

*Conceptualisation

** Wikypedia

In Mill’s view, tyranny of the majority is worse than tyranny of government because it is not limited to a political function. Where one can be protected from a tyrant, it is much harder to be protected “against the tyranny of the prevailing opinion and feeling.”[10] The prevailing opinions within society will be the basis of all rules of conduct within society; thus there can be no safeguard in law against the tyranny of the majority. Mill’s proof goes as follows: the majority opinion may not be the correct opinion. The only justification for a person’s preference for a particular moral belief is that it is that person’s preference. On a particular issue, people will align themselves either for or against this issue; the side of greatest volume will prevail, but is not necessarily correct.[12] In conclusion to this analysis of past governments, Mill proposes a single standard for which a person’s liberty may be restricted:

That the only purpose for which power can be rightfully exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others. His own good, either physical or moral, is not a sufficient warrant . . . Over himself, over his body and mind, the individual is sovereign.

***  (Russia,s Federal Seurity Service  (FSB

جنایات جنسی درپناه دیوار آبروداری و شرمگینی

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 در زیر سطح  فریبِ این زلال آب

بنگر! چه دریا زلای و لجن آرمیده است

ح ت

 خلاصه ترجمه مطلب را بخواهم بگویم داستان دختری پاکستانی از یک محیط سنتی  در شهر رودرهام انگلیس است . او توضیح میدهد که چگونه در ده سالگی مورد تجاوز جنسی قرار گرفت و از ترس آبرو و بخاطر شرمزدگی نخواسته و نمیتوانسته مرد متجاوز را که در همسایگی آنها بوده  معرفی کند. او پس از ۱۸ سالگی به دانشگاه اکسفورد میرود و داری درجات بالای تحصیلی میگردد و سپس به هاروارد رفته و  در آنجا هم موفقیت  تحصیلی زیاد کسب میکند. او به استخئدام گلدمن ساخ، از معروفترین موسسات مالی جهان در می آید.

 او سپس به این فکر می افتد که به محل سابق زندگی خود در انگلیس  رودرهام برگشته و مردی را که به تجاوز کرده بود پس از متجاوز از بیش از ۱۵ سال به دادگاه بکشد. قضیه را با مادرش در میان میگذارد مادرش از تصمیم او عصبانی میشود چون فکر میکند که در صورت شکایت و برملا شدن سوء استفاده جنسی از دخترش آبرویشان میرود ولی  بوزینا نمی پذیرد و بدون اینکه تسلیم تهدید، تطمیع و یا التماسهای مرد متجاوز  هم بشود به پلیس شکایت میکند. مرد متجاوز به ۸ سال زندان محکوم میشود و با علنی شدن نام و محکومیت او سرو کله دختران و پسران دیگری هم که مورد تجاوز قرار گرفته اند پیدا میشوند که برخی شکایت میکنند.

پس از این افشاء و رسانه ایی شدن مورد بوزینا بشیر،  بسیاری موارد  مشابه دیگری از سوء استفاده جنسی خردسالان در بین جوامع پاکستانی انگلیس بعنوان رسوایی بزرگ رسانه ایی میشوند که در بین آنهاد موارد زیادی اینسست یعنی تجاوز از طرف نزدیکان و محارم وجود داشته است.

بوزینا بشیر  Ruzwana Bashir، این دختر شجاع پاکستانی توانسته است پرده کثیف پنهان سازی بی ناموسی عظیم را که در پس حجاب دین  و سنت اسلامی خوابیده است را بدرد و به دختران و پسران زیادی این جسارت را بدهد که در صورت تجاوز و سوء استفاده جنسی تسلیم شانتاژ و تابویهای رسم و رسومات دینی و قومی نشوند و مجرمین را به پلیس معرفی کنند.

گزارش زیر از گاردین است

The untold story of how a culture of shame

perpetuates abuse. I know, I was a victim

The extraordinary story of Ruzwana Bashir: the Oxford-educated entrepreneur brought up in a British-Pakistani community shares her own story to tear down the wall of silence around the exploitation of Asian girls
Ruzwana Bashir
A decade after leaving her home town of Skipton, Ruzwana Bashir finally felt able to return and testify against her abuser. Photograph: Kevin Abosch

Ruzwana Bashir

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It was with a lump in my throat and tears in my eyes that I read about the horrific cases of abuse and neglect revealed in the Rotherham report this week.

Much of the media coverage has focused on how men of mostly Asian descent preyed on vulnerable young white victims. The details of this abuse are awful. But what has largely been ignored is the report’s finding that sexual abuse has been systemically under-reported among Asian girls due to deeply entrenched cultural taboos – obscuring the reality that there is a similarly rampant problem of minority girls being abused by members of their own community.

I have first-hand knowledge of this problem. I’m coming forward to publicly share my own story in the hope that I can encourage others to do the same and help tear down the wall of silence that perpetuates further abuse.

I grew up in a small community of a few hundred British-Pakistanis in Skipton, less than 60 miles from Rotherham. When I was 10 a neighbour started sexually abusing me. Paralysed by shame, I said nothing.

At 18 I was fortunate enough to receive an offer to study at Oxford University. I was enthralled with the exciting new world around me and tried desperately to fit in. I replaced my traditional shalwar kameez with jeans. I bared my shoulders and cut my hair. I socialised more than I studied and became president of the Oxford Union.

An internship at Goldman Sachs led to a job in private equity in London, and after a few years I moved to the US to get my MBA from Harvard Business School. But all the while, I knew the girls I had grown up with didn’t have the same opportunities – and that my abuser was probably still preying on other children.

It was only after a decade away from Skipton that I was finally able to garner the courage to return and testify against my abuser. When I first told my mother about the abuse I’d suffered, she was absolutely devastated. The root of her anger was clear: I was heaping unbound shame on to my family by trying to bring the perpetrator to justice. In trying to stop him from exploiting more children, I was ensuring my parents and my siblings would be ostracised. She begged me not to go to the police station.

If I’d still been living in Skipton, surrounded by a community who would either blame me for the abuse or label me a liar, I’m not sure I could have rejected her demands.

Once the police began the investigation another victim came forward. Sohail described how he too had been abused almost 20 years before I was. Due to our combined testimony, the perpetrator was jailed for eight years.

Within a few weeks another young woman in the community, emboldened by the conviction, told the police that a relative had raped her for several years. It had started before Sara was in her teens. We have supported her through the process of taking this to court.

Although Sohail and I had removed a proven paedophile from the community and helped empower another woman to end her torture, we were not celebrated. On the contrary, we were shunned.

The Rotherham report cites a home affairs select committee finding that cases of Asian men grooming Asian girls did not come to light in Rotherham because victims “are often alienated and ostracised by their own families and by the whole community, if they go public with allegations of abuse”.

This was our experience exactly – and the experience of everyone I’ve since spoken to. In each situation, victims and their families faced tremendous pressure to drop their cases.

During our investigation it became clear that for three decades many other women had suffered at the hands of our abuser, but they had refused to testify against him because of the indelible stigma it would bring. I learned that the parents of at least one of the victims had known their child had been abused but had done nothing. We also discovered that the larger community had long been aware of rumours of abuse by my neighbour but had chosen to ignore them – even when Sohail had attempted to come forward several years earlier.

This refusal to condemn perpetrators persists even after their conviction. Soon after our case, another convicted sex offender was released back into our community and was accepted as if nothing had happened. It was clear that the same would happen with our abuser.

Much has been made about the religious background of the offenders in the Rotherham report. But this problem isn’t about religion race: it’s about a culture where notions of shame result in the blaming of victims rather than perpetrators.

Although painful to read, the Rotherham report presents an opportunity. It’s an opportunity for leaders in the British-Pakistani community to stand up and speak out about the sexual and physical abuse in their midst. The Asian community isn’t unique in having evil-doers, and the overwhelming majority of its men and women are good people who care about protecting others.

I am and always will be proud of my Pakistani heritage, but I firmly believe community leaders must take responsibility for the fact that the taboos that prevent others from identifying perpetrators and supporting victims enable further abuse. And those taboos must be challenged.

The report also presents an opportunity to overhaul the public institutions that have failed in their responsibility to protect the defenceless – which includes everyone from the police to schools to social services.

On multiple occasions, beginning when she was 12, Sara went to her local GP and to walk-in clinics wearing her hijab to get the morning-after pill. She was never asked if she needed help. When she approached the police to share her story the CPS initially told her it would not pursue the case because there was too little evidence. It’s a testament to her resolve that she pushed back, demanding a chance to seek justice.

The system failed her, just as it has thousands of other children of all backgrounds.

We now have the chance to change that, and there are four immediate steps we should take to address this problem.

First, we need better training of social workers and police to effectively identify victims. The Rotherham report cited that one of the reasons for the widespread under-reporting of abuse among minority communities was the authorities’ focus on communicating with male leaders, who ignored the problem. Women and girls need to be included in these conversations, and government officials need to broaden the scope of their inquiries.

Second, we need mandatory reporting by people of authority when they signs of potential sexual abuse. One of the most damning parts of the Rotherham report was that schoolteachers were discouraged from reporting potential cases. For Sara, mandatory reporting by doctors serving young children could have saved her years of abuse.

Third, we need improved support for victims when they come forward. Sara’s case has been drawn out for far longer than expected, during which time she has faced pressure to withdraw her testimony. She has been passed from one counsellor to another, and struggled to get the help she needs to overcome her trauma. We need a judicial process that recognises the cost of delayed prosecutions for victims and better counselling services.

Fourth, we need a single person in each community who is accountable for ensuring these and other relevant policies are implemented. There are a lot of people with partial responsibility for this problem, but for this to be an effective, coordinated, comprehensive response, we need one individual who takes full responsibility for ensuring child sex exploitation is addressed and who can be held accountable for real change.

Some of these policies are already being implemented. But they are not being implemented everywhere, and they are not being implemented quickly enough.

The biggest risk of this terrible situation is that once the shock of this report dissipates, it will get swept under the rug, just like three previous reports in Rotherham. We cannot let that happen. We don’t need any further reports: we need system-wide change in the way we approach fighting sexual abuse against children of all backgrounds. This is not a problem in Rotherham or a problem in Oxford or a problem in Rochdale. This is a problem in the United Kingdom. And we need to tackle it together.

In the words of Edmund Burke, “The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good [people] to do nothing.” Let’s not be those people.

Some names have been changed to protect anonymity.

Ruzwana Bashir is the co-founder and CEO of Peek.com.
Ruzwana Bashir is the co-founder and CEO of Peek.com. Michelle Drewes Photograph: Michelle Drewes/PR

Biography:

Ruzwana Bashir is co-founder and CEO of Peek.com, the one-stop shop to discover and book activities. She previously worked at Gilt Groupe, Blackstone and Goldman Sachs. She has an MBA from Harvard Business School where she was a Fulbright scholar, and a BA from Oxford where she was president of the Oxford Union.

 

Iran counts $22 billion in forex abuses under Ahmadinejad

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“Huge amounts of currency at a prime exchange rate was given to importers who, after investigation, it became clear that some of them are not real, meaning they had no foreign existence,” Kazem Palizdar, head of the office for coordinating the fight against economic corruption, to;d Industry and Development Monthly.

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A currency exchange dealer counts US dollar banknotes for a client at a shop in northern Tehran, Oct. 3, 2010. (photo by REUTERS/Morteza Nikoubazl)

Iran counts $22 billion in forex abuses under Ahmadinejad

An Iranian official tasked with fighting corruption has said that in the final three years of the administration of former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, $22 billion in exchange-rate abuses took place, with companies using access to government-subsidized exchange rates to to buy luxury items or resell goods at a free market rate and pocket the difference.

Summary⎙ Print An Iranian official has claimed that companies made millions taking advantage of Iran’s subsidized exchange rate in the final years of the Ahmadinejad administration.
Author Arash KaramiPosted August 27, 2014

“Huge amounts of currency at a prime exchange rate was given to importers who, after investigation, it became clear that some of them are not real, meaning they had no foreign existence,” Kazem Palizdar, head of the office for coordinating the fight against economic corruption, to;d Industry and Development Monthly.

Palizdar continued, “They would get a large amount of currency at a prime rate to acquire essential goods. Not only did they not do this, but we realized that these import companies did not even exist. It’s not clear where this currency went.”

He continued, “Other companies would get currency at a prime rate, meaning 1,226 toman per dollar, in order to import essential goods, but when the goods were imported they were sold at free market prices. These companies had 100% profits and sometimes more.”

Palizdar went on to describe a third type of violation, in which companies would acquire dollars through the prime exchange rate and instead of buying essential goods, the purpose for which the prime rate is offered by the government, they would buy luxury items, such as high end cars.

According to Palizdar, “From the end of [Iranian calendar year] 1389 [the beginning of 2011], … this crisis pretty much continued until the beginning of [President Hassan] Rouhani’s administration.”

He continued, “During this era, the price of currency had a lot of fluctuations that could be said to be bigger than a lot of the current violations. Meaning, events took place such that it is not clear what happened to the currency resources of the country.”

“During these years, the Central Bank has made $22 billion of currency interventions in the market. [Rouhani’s Vice President Eshag] Jahangiri has made a reference to this in Kermanshah, and we are currently investigating it.”

Khabar Online, which picked up the interview, described Palizadar as a low level official whose picture does not appear anywhere and suggested that his claims have no political motivations.

Since Rouhani’s election, Iran’s annual inflation rate has decreased by 20%, in comparison to Ahmadinejad’s last month in office, which saw an inflation rate of 45%. The current administration has been active in uncovering some of the corruption under the management of the previous administration.

In regard to claims by Ahmadinejad-era officials, Palizdar said, “They say this currency has been distributed and the exchange rate dealers outside of the country in United Arab Emirates, Iraq and Turkey distributed [the currency] so that, in their words, a balance would be created in Tehran’s market.”

Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/08/iran-22-billion-exchange-rate-violations.html#ixzz3BlbBBflY

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دردام ملی نمایی قلابی رژیم نیفتیم

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اینک با روی کار آمدن شخص دیگری غیر از آنکه مورد اطمینان و انتظار رهبری ایران است، بنظر میرسد، یکبار دیگر موارد  مورد مناقشه و حل نشده ای که تا چند روز پیش برای سالها خائنانه  به سکوت برگزار شده بودند، دوباره مطرح میشوند.

Allawi8.jpgNouri al-Maliki with Bush, June 2006, cropped.jpg

اگر آدم با دقتی وسواس آمیزانه به مانورهای  رژیم در مقاطع و مناسبت های مختلف توجه نکند، احتمال اینکه در اثر ساده لوحی  در تله مانورهای آن بیفتد بسیار زیاد است.

در جریان انتخابات ۲۰۱۰ عراق و پیشی گیری ایاد علاوی رقیب سکولار و مستقل نوری المالکی، با ۹۱ کرسی پارلمانی در برابر ۸۹ رأی، دستگاه حاکمه ایران که از این نتیجه انتخاباتی به سرگیجگی دوچار  شده بود، به  چنان واکنشهای  دست میزد که فقط  مختص تعادل از دست دادگان است. ازجمله این واکنشها طرح ناگهانی و بی موقع ادعای غرامت جنگی از عراق، پس یک سکوت کامل ۶ ساله بود که شامل دوره ۴ ساله اول نخست وزیری  مالکی و دوساله جعفری میگردید  که هردو از بلوک شیعه و وابسته به رهبریی ایران بودند.

 در این زمینه برخی از سایتهای وابسته به هیئت حاکمه از جمله سایت تابناک در آنهنگام صراحتاً نوشتند حالا که ایاد علاوی قرار است نخست وزیر شود مسئله  درخواست غرامت جنگی باید در دستور کار دولت قرار گیرد.(نقل به مضمون از تابناک آنزمان).

رژیم که بهیچ وجه انتظار پیشی گرفتن یک شخصیت عراقی(حتی شیعه هم، چون علاوی شیعه است) مخالف هئیت حاکمه ایران را نداشت و فکر میکرد دیگر با اتکاء به آرای اکثریت شیعی عراق و وزیدن به احساسات ضد آمریکایی، با برانگیختن احساست مذهبی و پان اسلامیستی در آن کشور، بزرگترین رودست را به آمریکا و نیروهای ائتلاف  زده است و برای سوار شدن بر موج غرور کاذب پان اسلامیستی نوع شیعی خود در ایران موفق به ربودن  جام زرین پیروزی در بزرگترین مسابقه ژئواستراتژیک منطقه ایی شده است، از این نتیجه غیر قابل انتظار انتخاباتی دستخوش شوک مغزی گردید .

ولی چندی نگذشت که رژیم بخود آمده  توانست با لابی زنی، رشوه دهی، تطمیع، تهدید و هزار و یک طرفند دیگر و با کمک گرفتن از جیش مهدی و اتئلاف شیعه یا مجبور کردن آنها به حمایت از مالکی و جلب کردها برای حزب دولت قانونِ “اقلیتیِ” نوری المالکی، اکثریت پارلمانی درست کرده و برای او حد نصاب لازم را فراهم کند. حالا برای کسب این حد نصاب پارلمانی برای مالکی دستگاه حاکمه ایران چقدر امتیازات سیاسی  و شخصی به نمایندگان  خریدنی  پارلمانی و دیگر متنفذین سیاسی عراق مایه گذاری کرده بود هنوز جزء  اسرار است ولی احتمال اینکه درآینده با تغیرات در جریانِ کنونی در آن کشور این راز از پرده  بیرون افتد کم نیست. بهر حال با رسیدن پای نوری المالکی به رکابِ قدرت دولتی در عراق یرای دور دوم زمزمه غرامت جنگی هم چنان به محاق  رفت که گویی مسئله ایی به این نام هرگز وجود نداشته است.

اینک با روی کار آمدن شخص دیگری غیر از آنکه مورد اطمینان و انتظار رهبری ایران است، بنظر میرسد، یکبار دیگر موارد  مورد مناقشه و حل نشده ای که تا چند روز پیش برای سالها خائنانه  به سکوت برگزار شده بودند، دوباره مطرح میشوند.

نشریه اسوط العراق گزارش میدهد که محمد جواد ظریف، با هوشیار زیباری وزیر خارجه عراق ملاقات و ازجمله: “… هردو طرف به مسئله آبراه شط العرب و مرزهای آبی و زمینی و اهمیتشان برای دولت تازه عراق پرداختند”.

آقای ظریف اولاً باید به ملت ایران توضیح دهد چرا نام اروند رود  از نو در اسناد بین دو دولت ایران و عراق به شط العرب  تغیر یافته و چرا اگر مسئله مبهمی خارج از قرارداد الجزیره بین ایران و عراق مطرح بوده است در دوران سالهای عسلی رهبری ایران با مالکی و جعفری حل نشده است؟

آقای ظریف همچنین باید به ملت ایران توضیح دهند که آیا آن هواپیماهای سوخوی ۲۵ فرستاده شده به عراق برای کمک به نخست وزیر معزول آن، به ایران بازخواهند گشت یا توسط دولت جدید عراق مصادره خواهند شد؟

آقای ظریف همچنین باید گزارش کاملی از قراردادهای نفتی و گازی بین دوکشور و میزان بهره برداری از این مناطق فلات قاره ایی(میادین گازی و نفتی مشترک) از سوی عراق در دوران مالکی در عراق و احمدی نژاد در ایران، و همچنین مقایسه آن با میزان بهره بردار ی ایران از همین منابع و در همین دوره به مردم ایران بدهند.

همچنین در سالهای اخیر، صبحت فراوانی از ایجاد خطوط انتقال گاز برای تحویل گاز به عراق، سوریه و لبنان و حتی انتقال برق به این سه کشور در میان بوده است. آقای ظریف بجای مذاکره روی آبراه اروندرود بهتر است  به ملت ایران گزارش دهند که این صحبهتا تا کجا عملی شده و هزینه ایی که ایران یکطرفه برای کارهای تدارکاتی و احتمالاً اجرایی این  خطوط انتقال گاز و برق  متحمل شده است چقدر است؟

 ….. Both sides tackled Shatt-al-Arab water runway and the ground and water borders

اگر جناب ظریف، نخست به این سئوالات پاسخ بدهند بهتر است تا بخواهند از سرمایه سازی رژیم شاه در حل مسئله آبراه اروند رود و تعین خطوط مرزی ایران با عراق برای یک تنش آفرینی جدید حاصله از تغیر وضیعت سیاسی در عراق مسئله سازی کنند؟

طرح این موارد از جمله مسئله شط العرب یا اروند رود، اگر از زاویه منافع ملی و حسن همجواری  باشد بسیار عالی است ولی در چنین صورتی نخست باید به سکوت خیانت آمیز این ۱۲ ساله رژیم در این زمینه ها رسیدگی شود؟ رژیم باید به مردم بگوید  اگر در این موارد، مناقشه و عدم تفاهمی بوده و هست چرا در این مسائل مورد مناقشه، بمدت ۱۰ سال تمام  سکوت اختیار کرده  بوده است؟ چرا  آنموقع که ایران در موقعیت بسیار قوی تری قرار داشت که نه تحریمها رژیم را این چنین به فلاکت انداخته بودند، نه  کفگیر ذخیره ارزی این چنین به ته دیگ خورده بود، این مسائل مطرح نشدند؟ چرا آنموقع  که مملکت ۱۵۰ میلیارد دلار(ذخیره ارزی) ودرآمد سالیانه ارزی ای معادل ۱۳۰ میلیارد دلار داشت این مسائل مطرح نشدند؟

منطق حکم میکرد؛ آنهنگام که دولت دوست ایران در بغداد برسرکار بود این مسائل حل میشدند نه حالا که اجماعی منطقه ایی علیه رژیم شکل گرفته است و طرح چنین مسائلی در شرایط کنونی در حکم اعلام جنگ به همه دول منطقه است  سر این تابوت برداشته و این جسد  ده ساله کالبد شکافی شود!

Iraqi-Iranian foreign ministers discuss current Iraqi situation

8/24/2014 5:58 PM

BAGHDAD/ Aswat al-Iraq: Iraqi foreign minister Hoshiar Zebari and his Iranian counterpart Mohammed Jawad Zareef discussed here today bilateral relations and the current situation in Iraq.

During a meeting this afternoon, Zebari reviewed to Zareef the current political circumstances in Iraq and the international support, as well as bilateral relations and means of developing them according to current political and security situations, foreign ministry’s statement pointed out.

Both sides tackled Shatt-al-Arab water runway and the ground and water borders were also reviewed due to their importance to the new coming Iraqi government.

Minister Zareef expressed his regret for the huge numbers of victims, hoping that Iraq will try to find a unified front to counter attack terrorism.

روضه خوانی که در اثر شورحسینی فقط بطرف زنان غش میکرد

Sunnis do not believe Abadi is solution to Iraq’s crises

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 He added, “One of the main conditions for dialogue with Abadi is the trial of Maliki along with his complete political system, as well as its security, military and political leaders in all of Anbar, in addition to every individual who had anything to do with Maliki’s war against Anbar. Sunnis must be granted all the rights they were demanding during the protests that took place before the military operations. … If Abadi makes the initiative showing his goodwill, the military council will also show its goodwill through its own initiative.”

Iraq Pulse


Smoke rises from debris and a burnt car after a house was destroyed in a bomb attack in Fallujah, July 19, 2014. (photo by REUTERS)

Sheikh Mohammed al-Bajari, a member of the local council in Fallujah — the city west of Baghdad in Anbar province that has been under heavy shelling and military operations for over 18 months now — said he does not believe “Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki stepping down and Haider al-Abadi designated to form the new government will solve the Sunnis’ problem with the federal government in Baghdad.”

Summary⎙ Print Members of the local council in Anbar province say that replacing Nouri al-Maliki with Haider al-Abadi will not solve the problems Sunnis have endured under Maliki’s rule.
Author Omar al-JaffalPosted August 21, 2014

Translator(s)Cynthia Milan

Bajari described Maliki’s stepping down and Abadi’s designation as “a simple change of faces.”

Both Sunni and Shiite political blocs believe Maliki’s methods of exclusion against Sunnis in Iraq, besides limiting the political decision-making to himself, aggravated the security situation.”

Since last December, Anbar province has been witnessing large-scale military operations, conducted by the army against the Islamic State (IS), after the army had scattered the tents of the protesters who raised their demands to the central government for being subjected to several injustices such as random arrests.

However, Bajari, who does not blame Maliki alone, told Al-Monitor over the phone, “Sunni officials and deputies were the main reason behind the Sunnis’ tragedy and the ongoing war that resulted in hundreds of victims. The complete political process started off wrong.” He said, “The constitution was written in a chaotic manner, making Iraq and its people suffer several crises.”

Bajari said, “The demands of the citizens of Anbar included the annulment of the constitution, writing a new one and restructuring the armed forces on a professional and patriotic basis. We also demanded the annulment of the de-Baathification law and the release of the innocent people who were arrested, as well as the annulment of Article 4 of the Anti-Terrorism Law. These demands require a firm decision; Abadi will not be able to achieve this.”

“Replacing Maliki with Abadi, or anyone else, is not going to solve the tragedy suffered by Iraqis in general, and Sunnis in particular,” said Bajari, stressing, “There should be a trial against Maliki and his entire political system for all the crimes he committed against the Iraqis.”

Another member of Fallujah’s local council, Muthni al-Aani, seems rather more flexible than Bajari. Aani thinks there should be negotiations with the government, but limits these negotiations to whom he called “rebels.”

He told Al-Monitor over the phone, “Only the rebels have the right to negotiate with the government. They are the ones leading the revolution, and they will decide whether or not to negotiate with the government.” He said, “Generally speaking, as local officials, we have witnessed the bloodshed and crimes committed by Maliki against Sunnis. Yet, neither Abadi nor any other politician, whether Sunni or Shiite, objected to Maliki’s unspeakable crimes against humanity.”

A member of the general military council for the tribal rebels in Anbar, who wished to remain anonymous, told Al-Monitor, “The military council for tribal rebels in Anbar is waiting for an initiative showing the new prime minister’s goodwill. This initiative should include withdrawing all army divisions, militias and SWAT forces from Anbar completely. It should also grant all displaced families and families of the martyrs and wounded compensation for all the psychological, material and moral sufferings they have endured for the past months.”

He added, “One of the main conditions for dialogue with Abadi is the trial of Maliki along with his complete political system, as well as its security, military and political leaders in all of Anbar, in addition to every individual who had anything to do with Maliki’s war against Anbar. Sunnis must be granted all the rights they were demanding during the protests that took place before the military operations. … If Abadi makes the initiative showing his goodwill, the military council will also show its goodwill through its own initiative.”

Political analyst Ali Ismail Dalimi who lives in Anbar province told Al-Monitor, “Sunnis do not see a solution to their crises in replacing Maliki with a new prime minister. … The Sunnis are a group of tribal sheikhs, rebels and citizens who are determined to start restructuring the political process. If the constitution is not rewritten from scratch, the Sunnis will never stop their revolution.”

He said, “This is the actual reality. Thousands of orphans and widows and thousands of displaced citizens will not accept that the situation goes back to the way it was before the revolution. They will not accept a political system similar to Maliki’s system and that of wrongful methods.”

Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2014/08/sunnis-solution-abadi-maliki-problems.html#ixzz3B7HOLRT1

نقش ژئو استراتژیک* کردها در تحولات جاری منطقه

Tunisian Defense Minister: War on terror requires patience

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The military can also be credited with safeguarding and guaranteeing the National Constituent Assembly elections which today is working with the same determination [as the military] to complete the second stage of democratic transition after Tunisia has made great strides on its democratic course. Tunisia now has a constitution, an Independent Electoral High Commission and a set date for the next elections. I believe that all this paves the way for real democracy and the establishment of a state of law, freedom, justice and citizenship in Tunisia.

Tunisian Minister of National Defence Ghazi Jeribi speaks during a press conference at the Government Palace in Tunis, Tunisia on 17 July 2014. (EPA/Mohamed Messara)

London, Asharq Al-Awsat—Minister of National Defense Ghazi Jeribi highlighted Tunisia’s efforts against terrorism, acknowledging that the war on terror is an asymmetrical war that requires patience.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Jeribi said that Tunisia is on course for “true democracy,” citing the Tunisian military’s commitment to political neutrality as one of the reasons for this development. He also acknowledged that the Tunisian military establishment is facing a number of tests, not least confronting terrorism and protecting the country’s borders, but said that the military will be able to meet challenges.

In a rare interview, the Tunisian Defense Minister spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat about the country’s war on terror, Tunisian attempts to secure its borders with Algeria and the recent resignation of Army Chief of Staff Mohamed Salah Hamdi.

Asharq Al-Awsat: The success of the Tunisian political experience can be attributed to the military, which distanced itself from political decision-making and is committed to the principle of political neutrality. But how long can the military keep up with this political neutrality? Is it time for change?

Ghazi Jeribi: The Tunisian military establishment is committed to defending its independence from politics and politicians and is committed to complete neutrality and remaining equidistant from all political parties and factions in the country, and as far as possible from political debates. This is because it has remained steadfast and committed to its primary mission according to the law and national duty. Moreover, this is a positive neutrality based on defending legitimacy and protecting the country from all internal and external threats.

Consequently, the military has contributed to a large extent to protecting the first stage of democratic transition by guaranteeing the normal course of life, socially and economically, as well as protecting state institutions and vital installations . . .as well as protecting Tunisia land and sea borders and airspace.

The military can also be credited with safeguarding and guaranteeing the National Constituent Assembly elections which today is working with the same determination [as the military] to complete the second stage of democratic transition after Tunisia has made great strides on its democratic course. Tunisia now has a constitution, an Independent Electoral High Commission and a set date for the next elections. I believe that all this paves the way for real democracy and the establishment of a state of law, freedom, justice and citizenship in Tunisia.

Q: Does the resignation of the head of the Tunisian army Mohamed Salah Hamdi have anything to do with the controversy surrounding the army’s performance?

Army Chief of Staff Mohamed Salah Hamdi’s submitted his resignation for personal reasons and I took the decision to accept this based on Chapter 27 of the military code on the basis that he has passed the retirement age and had been granted two one-year extensions to his military career on an exceptional basis.

I would like to take this occasion to express my thanks and appreciation to all officers, non-commission officers and soldiers who have served their country with sincerity and loyalty. The appointment of new army Chief of Staff Ismail Al-Fathali comes within the framework of changing positions and because change in strategy sometimes requires a change in personnel. The new Chief of Staff meets the conditions and capabilities required of him and have the attributes and capabilities to succeed in this post.

Q: Is Tunisia’s military establishment successfully coping with the demands of the war on terrorism, particularly given the human losses that it has suffered?

The war on terror is not a traditional war between two regular armies; it is an asymmetrical war between a regular army and extremist organizations that rely on surprise. This requires a review of organizations and strategies until these extremist organizations are being combatted in the appropriate manner . . .including forming new combat units and taking advantage of the experience of fraternal and friendly countries that have passed through the same ordeal.

Overall, the war on terror requires a lot of patience and the losses that we have suffered should not discourage us from uprooting the scourge of terrorism.

Q: Has Tunisia intensified its cooperation with security agencies in the recent period, in line with the increasing terrorist presence in the country?

Cooperation with security agencies is ongoing and has been strengthened in response to the nature of the threats we are facing during the current period. We have put in place new mechanisms to guarantee close coordination and facilitate intelligence sharing. As for field operations, new specialized units have been created to intervene in urban and non-urban environments to combat terrorism. Recent operations have confirmed the efficiency of these new specialized units.

Over the past few weeks, a number of changes have taken place within the military institution, including strengthening counter-terrorism intelligence gathering; creating a special unit to monitor terrorist groups; creating a unit to look at ways that these gangs recruit members; and using recently acquired armored vehicles in operations.

Q: Tunisia’s borders with Libya are increasingly porous, particularly given the escalating security unrest taking place in the neighboring country. To what extent can Tunisia’s military secure the border region?

It is difficult for any country to completely and absolutely secure its land borders. Following the security deterioration in Libya, Tunisia’s military establishment has been able to put into place a security mechanism that allowed it to secure its borders, despite the difficulties caused by the influx of refugees [from Libya] in the recent period.

The transformations taking place in the region, as well as the high frequency of smuggling, increasing rates of organized crime and cross-border infiltration and terrorism, has created a complex security situation on the Tunisian-Libyan borders. In addition to this, Libya is still in the process of a difficult transition phase, trying to stabilize the political scene in the country. We are all committed today to resolving the issues that arose during the 2011 revolution, and the subsequent arms smuggling, to put in place an effective and vigilant military and security system and make the border region safe.

Q: There is talk about security cooperation between Tunisia and Algeria to confront the border issues together. Have any military or security pacts been signed?

Tunisian-Algerian military cooperation is being looked at with great interest from both sides. We have worked to support and develop this and move towards true partnership in the fields of training and exchanging experience, including responding to the requirements of the two national armies and enhancing their operational capabilities.

In response to the nature of the current stage, a security agreement was signed between Tunisia and Algeria in May in the fields of combatting cross-border terrorism and organized crime. This agreement revolves around four points; securing control of the border; coordinating field operations and establishing operational coordination over border security; establishing partnership in the fields of sharing information and intelligence; exchanging experience and expertise in the fields of border security and increased specialized training.

This is an abridged version of an interview originally published in Arabic.

It’s a French woman’s duty to wear a bikini, says ex-minister

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Ms Morano, 51, has provoked a political row by complaining that she had seen a Muslim woman sitting on a French beach in headscarf, long-sleeved tunic and trousers while her husband stripped off and bathed in the sea.

“When you choose to come to a country of secular laws like France, you have an obligation to respect our culture and the liberty of women. Or you go somewhere else,” Ms Morano wrote on her Facebook page.

She published a blurred picture that she had taken at the weekend of the woman in the headscarf sitting on a beach. Alongside, she published a photograph of the 1950s and 1960s sex symbol Brigitte Bardot wearing a bikini. 

   Islamophobia row as Sarkozy supporter hits out at Muslim on beach in headscarf

PARIS

Indrpendent

Tuesday 19 August 2014

Ms Morano, 51, has provoked a political row by complaining that she had seen a Muslim woman sitting on a French beach in headscarf, long-sleeved tunic and trousers while her husband stripped off and bathed in the sea.

“When you choose to come to a country of secular laws like France, you have an obligation to respect our culture and the liberty of women. Or you go somewhere else,” Ms Morano wrote on her Facebook page.

She published a blurred picture that she had taken at the weekend of the woman in the headscarf sitting on a beach. Alongside, she published a photograph of the 1950s and 1960s sex symbol Brigitte Bardot wearing a bikini.

The picture taken by Nadine Morano: of a woman in a headscarf sitting on a beach

The picture taken by Nadine Morano: of a woman in a headscarf sitting on a beachMs Morano is a centre-right politician, and fervent supporter of ex-President Nicolas Sarkozy, who has been accused of exploiting far-right themes in the past.  Her remarks provoked an avalanche of comments on social media and reactions from politicians which sometimes crossed normal party boundaries.

The former leader of the Socialist party, Harlem Désir, said that Ms Morano “had a point”. A beach should, he said, be a place of liberty for all, he said. Another centre-right former minister, Valérie Pécresse, criticised Ms Morano’s definition of “freedom”. “As long as they’re not breaking the law, people should be allowed to wear whatever they want,” she said.

The Communist politician Ian Brossat said it was clear that “xenophobia never goes on holiday, even on the beach”.

Ms Morano said that she had witnessed the incident at an unnamed French resort.

“The man got into his swimming trunks, showing off his well-made body, while she sat quietly on the sand dressed from head to toe,” she wrote. “He went off alone towards the sea. Delighted to be having a swim, he waved to his submissive companion as she sat entirely surrounded by people in swimsuits.

“He had the right to strip off and swim, She didn’t. To see that in the country which invented human rights was exasperating!”

One blogger, Fouzia Rakza Bouzaoui, said that Ms Morano should “worry about the 20,000 sexual assaults in France every year (that’s only the number reported) rather than talking about the submission of a woman she does not even know and who might have made this choice herself.”

The president of the National Observatory against Islamophobia, Abdallah Zekri, said that Ms Morano was playing on the confusion between Islamic headscarves and full-length veils like burkas. Both are referred to by the same word, voile. Only full-length veils which obscure the face are banned under French law. “How is wearing a headscarf on a beach not respecting the laws of the Republic?” he asked.

Ms Morano is one of a group of politicians in the Union pour un Mouvement Populaire who have been accused of trying to resist the rise of Marine Le Pen’s far-right Front National by borrowing – or even outdoing – their anti-Islamic rhetoric.

In a radio interview she insisted that she was making an argument for women’s rights not an argument against Islam. “We have to help these submissive women,” she said. “There is no point in pulling a veil over our own faces. No religion has the right to impede the progress which has been so dearly won in France.”

Islamic State repels Iraqi military’s 3rd attempt to retake Tikrit