اعاده حیثیت از خانواده سلطنتی توسط دولت لیبی

Share Button

 

idris king

نهار نت لبنان

سه شنبه ۳ مارس ۲۰۱۴ 

دیروز سه شنبه سوم مارس، دولت لیبی تصمیم گرفت از خاندان ملک ادریس که توسط معمر القذافی ۴۵ سال پیش سرنگون شده بود اعاده حیثیت کند. خود معمر القذافی در قیام ۲۰۱۱ مردم سرنگون و کشته شد.

درمصوبه ایی که از سوی دولت لیبی به این مناسبت صادر شد بازماندگان ادریس السنوسی تابعیت لیبیایی خود را پس خواهند گرفت و اموال مصادره شده آنان توسط قذافی، به آنان باز گردانده خواهد شد.

 ادریس در سال ۱۹۵۱در لیبی به مقام سلطنتی رسید و اولین کشوردر شمال آفریقا بود که پس از جنگ دوم جهانی استقلال خود را باز یافت . ملک ادریس در سال  ۱۹۶۹ با کودتای قذافی سرنگون گردیده و خانواده سلطنتی تحت حصر خانگی قرار گرفت و اموال آنان مصادره شد. بعدها آنان از لیبی اخراج شدند.

ادریس به قاهره رفت و تا سال ۱۹۸۳ که فوت کرد در آنجا اقامت گزید. بقیه خاندان سلطنتی، از جمله نوه ارشد ملک ادریس محمد السنوسی بعنوان وارث خاندان سلطنتی با دریافت پناهندگی به انگلیس مهاجرت کردند. محمد السنوسی ظاهراً ولیعهد قانونی  حساب میشود.

پایان گزارش خبری النهار.

*********************

کامنت من:

من خبر فوق را دو ماه قبل که هنوز مصوبه آن صادر نشده بود را به نقل از هرالد لیبی منتشر کردم. در اینجا اضافه میکنم که دولت لیبی نه تنها از ملک ادریس اعداه حیثیت میکند بلکه پیشنهاد کرده است که نام او در قانون اساسی جدید بعنوان قهرمان ملی آورده شود.

ملک ادریس که امیر یکی از قبایل بزرگ لیبی؛ قبیله سیورانی “Cyrenaican leaders” بود، قبل از جنگ علیه انگلیس با آلمانها و در آغاز جنگ با متحدین علیه آلمان  و ایتالیا به جنگ پرداخت. هدف او کسب استقلال و مدرنیزه کردن لیبی بود.

چنین بنظر میرسد که اعاده حیثیت از خاندان سلطنتی در لیبی مقدمه ایی برای احیای سلطنت، البته در صورت تأئید مردم، در آن کشور است. با توجه به تنوغ قومی و فقدان یک مرجع مورد اجماع ملی در آن کشور، من فکر میکنم احیای سلطنت بعنوان یک نهاد و نماد ملی میتواند ثبات را به لیبی  برگرداند و در جامعه آشتی ملی ایجاد کند. کما اینکه من بر این باورم که اگر مردم افغانستان و دولتمردان آن کشور پس از سر نگونی طالبان، بجای اعلام استقرار “جمهوری اسلامی افغناستان” و محمد کرزای را بعنوان  اولین رئیس جمهور آن ، انتخاب میکردند طالبان و القاعده شانسی برای فعال شدن در افغانستان نمیداشتند البته رهبری جدید افغانستان ظهر شاه را با عزت و احترام به مملکت وادار کرد و عنوان “بابای ملت” را به داد.

افغانها ظاهراً در این حرکت خود نسبت با پادشاه سابقشان، یا بمعنای منفی و یا مثبت کلمه، که مثبت و یا منفی بودن آن بستگی به گرایش سیاسی افراد دارد از ما ایرانیان که عقبه شیخ فضل الله نوری را به بنیانگذار سلسله پهلوی ترجیح دادیم، با تاریخ خود متفاوت رفتار کردند.

محمد السنوسی، نوه ملک ادریس جنبش “السنوسیه” را رهبری میکند و آنچنان که خود میگوید انتخاب نوع نظام آینده لیبی بعهده خود مردم لیبی است.

صرفنظر از اینکه محمد السنوسی پس از بازگشت به لیبی تاج و تخت سلطنت را بگیرد و یا رئیس جمهور شود و یا بعنوان یک رهبر سیاسی در صحنه بماند، حضور چنین وزنه سنگینی در توازن قوای کنونی برای لیبی ثبات آفرین خواهد بود. و برای لیبی در وضعیت کنونی ثبات بمعنای توسعه سیاسی و اقتصادی سریع هم می باشد.

*******************

ویکی پدیا در باره خاندان سنوسی

As Europe prepared for war, Libyan nationalists at home and in exile perceived that the best chance for liberation from colonial domination lay in Italy’s defeat in a larger conflict.[5] Such an opportunity seemed to arise when Italy invaded Ethiopia in 1935, but Mussolini’s defiance of the League of Nations and the feeble reaction of Britain and France dashed Libyan hopes for the time being. Planning for liberation resumed, however, with the outbreak of war in Europe in September 1939.[5] Libyan political leaders met in Alexandria, Egypt, in October to resolve past differences in the interest of future unity.[5] Idris was accepted as leader of the nationalist cause by Tripolitanians as well as Cyrenaicans, with the proviso that he designate an advisory committee with representatives from both regions to assist him.[5] Differences between the two groups were too deep and long held, however, for the committee to work well.[5]

When Italy entered the war on the side of Germany on June 10, 1940, the Cyrenaican leaders, who for some months had been in contact with British military officers in Egypt, immediately declared their support for the Allies.[5] In Tripolitania, where Italian control was strongest, some opinion initially opposed cooperation with Britain on the ground that if the Allies lost– which seemed highly possible in 1940–retribution would be severe.[5] But the Cyrenaicans, with their long history of resistance to the Italians, were anxious to resume the conflict and reminded the timid Tripolitanians that conditions in the country could be no worse than they already were.[5] Idris pointed out that it would be of little use to expect the British to support Libyan independence after the war if Libyans had not cooperated actively with them during the war.[5]

Idris presided over a meeting of Libyan leaders hastily summoned to Cairo in August 1940, at which formal arrangements for cooperation with British military authorities were initiated.[5] Delegates to the conference expressed full confidence in Idris in a resolution and granted him extensive powers to negotiate with the British for Libya’s independence.[5] The resolution stated further that Libyan participation with British forces should be “under the banner of the Sanusi Amirate” and that a “provisional Sanusi government” should be established.[5]

Although a number of Tripolitanian representatives agreed to participate, the resolution was essentially a Cyrenaican measure adopted over the objections of the Tripolitanian nationalists.[5] The Tripolitanians, suspicious of the ties between Idris and the British, held that a definite statement endorsing Libyan independence should have been obtained from Britain before Idris committed Libya to full-scale military cooperation.[5] Also, although the Tripolitanians were reluctantly willing to accept Idris as their political chief, they rejected any religious connection with the Sanusi order.[5] Hence they objected to the use of the term Sanusi throughout the resolution in place of Libya or even Cyrenaica.[5] These two areas of objection–the extent of the commitment to Britain and the role of the Sanusi order in an independent, united Libya–constituted the main elements of internal political dissension during the war and early postwar years.[5]

British officials maintained that major postwar agreements or guarantees could not be undertaken while the war was still in progress.[5] Although he endeavored from time to time to secure a more favorable British commitment, Idris generally accepted this position and counseled his followers to have patience.[5] Clearly, many of them were not enthusiastic about Libyan unity and would have been satisfied with the promise of a Sanusi government in Cyrenaica.[5] After the August 1940 resolution, five Libyan battalions were organized by the British, recruited largely from Cyrenaican veterans of the Italo-Sanusi wars.[5] The Libyan Arab Force, better known as the Sanusi Army, served with distinction under British command through the campaigns of the desert war that ended in the liberation of Cyrenaica.[5]

In a speech in the House of Commons in January 1942, British Foreign Minister Anthony Eden acknowledged and welcomed “the contribution which Sayid Idris as Sanusi and his followers have made and are making” to the Allied war effort.[5] He added that the British government was determined that the Sanusis in Cyrenaica should “in no circumstances again fall under Italian domination.”[5] No further commitment was made, and this statement, which made no mention of an independent Libya, remained the official British position during the war.[5]

Battlefield successes[edit]

North Africa was a major theater of operations in World War II, and the war shifted three times across the face of Cyrenaica, a region described by one German general as a “tactician’s paradise and a quartermaster’s hell” because there were no natural defense positions between Al Agheila and Al Alamein to obstruct the tanks that fought fluid battles in the desert like warships at sea, and there was only one major highway on the coast along which to supply the quick-moving armies.[6] Aiding the the Allied powers, Idris and his forces fought with a vengeance during military confrontations in Cyrenaica and another province, Tripolitania, according to contemporary accounts.[7] The Italians invaded Egypt in September 1940, but the drive stalled at Sidi Barrani for want of logistical support.[6] British Empire forces of the Army of the Nile, under General Archibald Wavell, counterattacked sharply in December, advancing as far as Tobruk by the end of the month.[6] In February 1941, the Italian Tenth Army surrendered, netting Wavell 150,000 prisoners and leaving all of Cyrenaica in British hands.[6] At no time during the campaign did Wavell have more than two full divisions at his disposal against as many as ten Italian divisions.[6]

In March and April, Axis forces, stiffened by the arrival of the German Afrika Korps commanded by Lieutenant General Erwin Rommel, launched an offensive into Cyrenaica that cut off British troops at Tobruk.[6] The battle seesawed back and forth in the desert as Rommel attempted to stabilize his lines along the Egyptian frontier before dealing with Tobruk in his rear, but in November British Eighth Army commander General Claude Auchinleck caught him off balance with a thrust into Cyrenaica that succeeded in relieving Tobruk, where the garrison had held out for seven months behind its defense perimeter.[6] Auchinleck’s offensive failed in its second objective–cutting off Rommel from his line of retreat.[6]

Rommel pulled back in good order to Al Agheila, where his troops refitted for a new offensive in January 1942 that was intended to take the Axis forces to the Suez Canal.[6] Rommel’s initial attack was devastating in its boldness and swiftness.[6] Cyrenaica had been retaken by June; Tobruk fell in a day.[6] Rommel drove into Egypt, but his offensive was halted at Al Alamein, 100 kilometers from Alexandria.[6] The opposing armies settled down into a stalemate in the desert as British naval and air power interdicted German convoys and road transport, gradually starving Rommel of supplies and reinforcements.[6]

Late in October the Eighth Army, under the command of General Bernard Montgomery, broke through the Axis lines at Al Alamein in a massive offensive that sent German and Italian forces into a headlong retreat.[6] The liberation of Cyrenaica was completed for the second time in November.[6] Tripoli fell to the British in January 1943, and by mid-February the last Axis troops had been driven from Libya.[6]

King of Libya[edit]

King Idris with then-U.S. vice-presidentRichard Nixon (March 1957). He sought cordial relations with the West.

King Idris meeting president Nasser of Egypt

King Idris I on the cover of the Libyan Al Iza’a magazine, 15 August 1965

With the help of the British Military Administration of Cyrenaica and the backing of London, Idris as-Senussi was rewarded for the help the Senussi tribe provided in ridding Libya of the Italian and German occupation and was proclaimed an independent Emirate of Cyrenaica in 1949. He was also invited to become Emir of Tripolitania, another of the three traditional regions that now constitute modern Libya (the third being Fezzan).[8] By accepting he began the process of uniting Libya under a single monarchy. A constitution was enacted in 1949 and adopted in October 1951. A National Congress elected Idris as King of Libya, and as Idris I he proclaimed the independence of the United Kingdom of Libya as a sovereign state on 24 December 1951.

From Benghazi, Idris led the team negotiating over independence with the United Kingdom and the United Nations under UN special adviser to Libya Dutch born Adrian Pelt, which was achieved on 24 December 1951 with the proclamation of the federal United Libyan Kingdom with Idris as king. In 1963 the constitution was revised and the state became a unitary state as the Kingdom of LibyaEarl Mountbatten was a very close friend of King Idris and used to visit him in Libya often and stay at the Royal Palace. Both King Idris and Earl Mountbatten used to go together on excursion trips into the Sahara desert which Earl Mountbatten enjoyed.

Idris had the same principles that formed part of his Sufi heritage namely peaceful co-existence, tolerance and a live and let live philosophy of life that was also held by the likes of Gandhi and Nelson Mandela.

In 1955, failing to have produced a male heir, he convinced Fatima, his wife for 20 years, to let him marry a second wife, Aliya Abdel Lamloun, daughter of a wealthy Bedouin chief. The second marriage took place on 5 June 1955. Ironically both wives then became pregnant, and both bore him a son.[9]

In regional affairs, Libya enjoyed the advantage of not having aggravated boundary disputes with its neighbors.[10] As development of petroleum resources progressed in the early 1960s and the once impoverished country into a independently wealthy nation with potential for extensive development,[10] Libya launched its first Five-Year Plan, 1963-68. One negative result of the new wealth from petroleum, however, was a decline in agricultural production, largely through neglect.[10] Internal stability, however, was further assured in through passage of the 1963 constitution, which successfully eliminated the historical divisions of Cyrenaica, Tripolitania, and Fezzan and divided the country into ten new provinces, each headed by an appointed governor.[10] Libya was one of the thirty founding members of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), established in 1963, and in November 1964 participated with Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia in forming a joint consultative committee aimed at economic cooperation among North African states.[10] Although he supported Arab causes, including the Moroccan and Algerian independence movements, Idris took little active part in the Arab-Israeli dispute or the tumultuous inter-Arab politics of the 1950s and the early 1960s.[10]

The brand of Arab nationalism propounded by Egyptian President Gamal Abdul Nasser exercised an increasing influence, particularly among the younger generation.[10] To the chagrin of Arab nationalists at home and supporters of Pan-Arabism in neighboring states, Idris maintained close ties with the United Kingdom and the United States and was more ambitious about growing Libya’s economy through aid from Western nations rather than through assistance from the regional Arab states.[10] In response to the growing anti-Western agitation in 1964, Libya’s essentially pro-Western government requested the evacuation of British and American bases before the dates specified in the treaties.[10] Most British forces were in fact withdrawn in 1966, although the evacuation of foreign military installations, including Wheelus Air Base, was not completed until March 1970.[10]

After the forming of the Libyan state in 1963, Idris’ government had tried–not very successfully–to promote a sense of Libyan nationalism built around the institution of the monarchy.[10] Idris himself was first and foremost a Cyrenaican, never at ease in Tripolitania.[10] His political interests were essentially Cyrenaican, and he understood that whatever real power he had–and it was more considerable than what he derived from the constitution–lay in the loyalty he commanded as amir of Cyrenaica and head of the Senussi order.[10] Idris’ pro-Western sympathies and identification with the conservative Arab bloc were especially resented by an increasingly politicized urban elite that favored nonalignment.[10] Aware of the potential of their country’s natural wealth, many Libyans had also become conscious that its benefits reached very few of the population.[10] An ominous undercurrent of dissatisfaction with corruption and malfeasance in the bureaucracy began to appear as well, particularly among young officers of the armed forces who were influenced by Nasser’s Arab nationalist ideology.[10]

The June 1967 War between Israel and its Arab neighbors aroused a strong reaction in Libya, particularly in Tripoli and Benghazi, where dock and oil workers as well as students were involved in violent demonstrations.[10] The United States and British embassies and oil company offices were damaged in rioting.[10] Members of the small Jewish community were also attacked, prompting the emigration of almost all remaining Libyan Jews.[10] The government restored order, but thereafter attempts to modernize the small and ineffective Libyan armed forces and to reform the grossly inefficient Libyan bureaucracy foundered upon conservative opposition to the nature and pace of the proposed reforms.[10]

Although Libya was clearly on record as supporting Arab causes in general, the country did not play an important role in Arab politics.[10] At the Arab summit conference held at Khartoum in September 1967, however, Libya, along with Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, agreed to provide generous subsidies from oil revenues to aid Egypt, Syria, and Jordan, defeated in June by Israel.[10] Also, Idris first broached the idea of taking collective action to increase the price of oil on the world market. Libya, nonetheless, continued its close association with the West, while Idris’ government steered an essentially conservative course at home.[10]

Another threat to his kingdom was his failure to produce a surviving male heir to succeed to the throne.[10] To remedy this situation, Idris in 1953 designated his sixty-year-old brother to succeed him.[10] In 1956, the original heir died and Idris designated his brother’s son, Prince Sayyid Hasan ar-Rida al-Mahdi as-Senussi, as the Black Prince or crown prince.[10]

The economy prospered from its oil fields and the presence of the United States Air Force‘s Wheelus Air Base near Tripoli, but the king’s health began to falter and the crown prince assumed a greater role in the government and from time to time acted as regent. Alienated from the most populous part of the country, from the cities, and from a younger generation of Libyans, Idris spent more and more time at his palace in Darnah, near the British military base.[10] In June 1969, the king left the country for rest and medical treatment in Greece and Turkey,[10] leaving Crown Prince Hasan ar Rida as regent.[10]

No Comments