سکوی اعدام نوری المالکی را صدریستها میسازند

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آنچه بنظر من در این تظاهرات مهم است و من در یاداشتهای پیشین خود راجع به عراق، قبلاً  نیز بدان با عبارتِ “جامعه عراق بی گذشت است” اشاره کرده بودم، شعارهای جدید اعدام خواهی علیه نوری المالکی در تظاهرات دیروز و آنهم از سوی گروهی شیعه است که  که از سوی صدریستها در تظاهرات روز گذشته بغداد و بصره داده شده است.

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دیرور  جمعه ۲۸ اوت، بسیاق هفته های گذشته در شهرهای عراق بوِیژه در شهرهای شیعی آن، تظاهرات هزاران نفری مردم علیه فساد و برای انجام اصلاحات بنیادی ادامه یافت. دیروز آیت الله  سیستانی بار دیگر در سخنرانی پایانی نماز جمعه خود از مردم خواست تا وسیعاً در تظاهرات جمعه ها شرکت جسته و در عین حال هوشیار باشند تا فرصت طلبان و عوامل فساد در گذشته نتوانند این تظاهرات را مصادره کنند. چنین بنظر میرسد که سازمانیافته ترین بخش مخاطبین سیستانی هواداران جنبش صدریست  هستند که بیشترین ضدیت را با جناح نوری المالکی در بین جامعه مذهبی/ سیاسی شیعه عراق با نوری المالکی و فراکسیون شیعی درون ائتلاف به رهبری “حزب دولت قانون” او دارند.

نکته بسیار شایان توجه در تحولات سیاسی جاری عراق و جنبش اعتراضات خیابانی  در آن اینست، که جریانهای فرقه ای/ سیاسی آن کشور که اکثراً حکومتساز این ۱۳ ساله پس از سرنگونی صدام بوده اند، مسابقه گذارده اند تا خود را به جنبش اعتراضات خیابانی بچسبانند، بلکه حد اقل جان سالم در ببرند و حد اکثر این جنبش را علیه رقبای سیاسی/فرقه ایی خود بکار گیرند ولی ماحصل این مانور های بیهوده، فقط تند کردن کوره اعتراضات مردمی، ژرفش دادن بدان و انتقال دادن قدرت سیاسی از سالنهای دوایر دولتی و مجلس به میدانها و خیابانهای شهر است.

برآیند این اوجگیری و ژرفش جنبش مردمی هرچه باشد و بهر سوی که رود نخستین قربانیان آن همین جریانهای فرقه ایی/سیاسی خواهند بود که در ۱۳ سال گذشته؛ از دوره کوتاه ریاست جمهوری ایاد علاوی که بگذریم، از  زمان جعفری تا مالکی مالک الرقاب عراق بوده اند. و دراین رابطه باید گفت انحصاری کردن قدرت توسط دولتهای شیعی وابسته به ایران که به کنار گذاردن؛ کردها، جریانات سُنی، شیعیان مخالف نفوذ ایران در عراق و دیگر اقلیتهای سیاسی و قومی از مدیریت کشور شد، اینک بهترین فرصت را به آنها داده است تا با نشان دادن دستهای پاک و عاری از فساد خود در صحنه سیاسی عراق ظاهر شوند درست برعکس جریانات شیعی وابسته به ایران که در نگاه مردم، چه شیعه و چه سُنی، مسئول همه کاستیها مدیریتی، فساد و و حیف و میل کردن قریب ۱۰۰۰ میلیارد دلاراز درآمد کشور طی این میباشند. در حاشیه بگویم که روندی تقریباً مشابه تحولات عراق، در لبنان هم جریان دارد که در آنجا  نیز مردم علیه فساد برخواسته اند و احزاب فرقه ایی سیاسی کشور بشمول حزب الله  اعضای خود را دعوت به مشارکت در آن کرده اند. ولی حتی نگاهی به سرو وضع و پوشش تظاهر کنندگان بیروتی بما میگوید که این تظاهرات نمیتواند در آن مسیری که حزب الله آرزو دارد و تلاش میکند جریان یابد.

چنین بنظر میرسد که لطف بیکران الطاف خفیه الهی و امدادهای غیبی که در گذشته پشتیبان ایران ولایی و اسلامی ما در  مخاطرات پیش روی آن بود، دیگر تغیر جهت داده و به پشتیبانی از دشمنان قسم خورده ایران ولایی در منطقه  برخاسته است. علت چیست فقط خدا میداند! بیداری اسلامی مورد نظر مقام معظم رهبری ایران به بیداری علیه ایران اسلامی و رهبری آن تبدیل گردیده است.

نهار نت لبنان لبنان  گزارش آژانس فرانس پرس از تظاهرات دیروز جمعه ۲۸ اوت عراق را درج کرده است که بسیار شایسته تأمل است. قبلاً  دیگر رسانه های منطقه گزارش کرده بودند که مقتدا صدر ازهواداران خود خواسته است تا به تظاهرات روزهای جمعه مردم علیه فساد بپیوند. المونیتور** دیروز، از رقابت شدید عمارحکیم رهبر شورای عالی اسلامی عراق در مقابل، مهره ایران، نماینده حزب  الدعوه  علی ال ادیب  که مورد حمایت سردار قاسم سلیمانی برای رهبری ائتلاف ملی شیعه  عراق است گزارش کرده بود. گزارشگر المونبتور در ادامه مینویسد که عمار حکیم هم در سفرش به ایران  بلند ترین زمان ملافات را به هاشمی رفسنجانی، سپس شمخانی و ظریف داشته و  فقط بطور کوتاه با خامنه ایی دیدار کرده است. المونیتور در پایان گزارش تحلیلی خود این سئوال را مطرح کرده بود که معلوم نیست این شکاف بین دو جناح رقیب شیعی در ائتلاف شیعه عراق، برآمده از شکاف بین جریان دولتی  و رقبای آن در تهران است یا برعکس، رقابت و تنش بین دولت و مخالفانش در تهران برآمده از لابی سازی نیروهای شیعی عراقی است. همین گرارش از ملاقات ظریف در دیدارش از عراق با آیت الله سیستانی و اجتناب او از ملاقات با نوری الملکی در تهران و بغداد نوشته است و همینطور از ملاقات سردار قاسم سلیمانی با نورالمالکی و نزدیکان او در بازدید اخیرش  از بغداد گزارش کرده است.

بدون اینکه بخواهم بطور قاطع این نظر را(تآثیر و تأثر جناحبندی شیعی د رعراق و متقابلاً تهران روی همدیگر) رد یا تأئید کنم باید بگویم هرچه هست، اختلاف در درون جنبش شیعه عراق میرود تا رنگ خون بخود بگیرد و تا آنجا پیش رود که تمام آرایش کنونی شیعی وغیرشیعی درعراق را که بستر نفوذ سیاسی/ مذهبی رهبری ایران در عراق بود را دگرگون سازد.

 گزارشگر نهارنت که اخبار تظاهرات دیروز عراق را داده است مینویسد که تظاهرات این جمعه بخاطر پیوستن هواداران مقتدا صدر، هم پرجمعیت تر بوده است و هم به دیگر شهرهای شیعی آنکشورهم گسترش یافت.

آنچه بنظر من در این تظاهرات مهم است و من در یاداشتهای پیشین خود راجع به عراق قبلاً  نیز بدان با عبارت “جامعه عراق بی گذشت است” اشاره کرده بودم، شعارهای جدید اعدام خواهی علیه نوری المالکی در تظاهرات دیروز و آنهم از سوی گروهی شیعه است که  که از سوی صدریستها در تظاهرات روز گذشته بغداد و بصره داده شده است.

خبرگزاری فرانسه کهنهار نت لبنان*  گزارشش را درج کرده؛ ازجمله مینویسد:[ هواداران صدر که بالباسهای سیاه در تظاهرات شرکت جسته بودن، فریاد میزدند” مالکی بای بای!” .. ” آنها خواهان اعدام نوری المالکی بودند که ۸ سال زمامداری او آغشته به فساد بوده است”] * 

یکی از هواداران صدر به خبرنگارفرانس پرس میگوید:” ما (برای اعتراض) به خیابان آمده ائیم تا از اصلاحات اعلام شده از سوی نخست وزیر حیدر العبادی و  برای اجرای آنها پشتیبانی کنیم.”

شیخ سمیر الزریجاوی، یکی دیگر از صدریستهای شرکت کننده در تظاهرات، به خبرنگار میگوید:” همه مقامات دولت سابق مسئول فساد بوجود آمده هستند.”

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**

IRAN PULSE

نبض ایران


Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps Cmdr. Qasem Soleimani uses a walkie-talkie at the front line during offensive operations against Islamic State militants in the town of Tal Ksaiba in Salahuddin province, Iraq, March 8, 2015. (photo by REUTERS)

The impending Shiite leadership crisis Baghdad doesn’t see coming

One of the effects of the rise of the Islamic State (IS) has been the emergence of Qasem Soleimani, head of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps’ (IRGC) Quds Force, as the foremost military commander in Iraq. This has been particularly evident in the absence of the US military and with the establishment of the Popular Mobilization Units.

Summary⎙ Print With frequent visits between Tehran and Baghdad, the question arises of whether Iranian politics are seeping into Iraq and what that means for the country’s future.
Author Mohammad Ali ShabaniPosted August 26, 2015

However, while his military clout has expanded, Soleimani’s political influence appears to be increasingly checked. Indeed, today, the most powerful Iranian in Iraq is arguably Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani. While in the making for years, this trajectory has accelerated following IS’ blitz in northern Iraq last summer. The fall of Mosul and increasing tensions with the Kurdistan Regional Government and Sunni leaders did not singlehandedly end former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki’s rule. Rather, it was thedisapproval of the grand ayatollah. Neither Soleimani’s personal backing nor the highest number of votes for his bloc and for his person could shield Maliki from Najaf.

Developments over the past year, including the ascendance of current Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi, also divulge another key aspect of Iranian influence in Iraq — the impact of the rise of moderates in Tehran.

Since taking office in August 2013, Iranian President Hassan Rouhani has reiterated that his government sees the region as its priority. Mohammad Javad Zarif, who led intense talks that concluded with Iran’s nuclear deal with six world powers in July, did not make the United States, France or Russia his first destination as foreign minister. Instead, he chose to visit Iraq. Not only has he frequently traveled westward over the past two years, but notably made a habit of paying a visit to the grand ayatollah in Najaf before going to Baghdad. Of note, Zarif even traveled directly to Najaf following a round of nuclear negotiations in Switzerland earlier this year. The current moderate secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, Ali Shamkhani, has also come to increasingly play a role in the shaping of regional policy. An ethnic Iranian Arab who served as defense minister under Reformist ex-President Mohammad Khatami, Shamkhani was appointed by Rouhani and has the confidence of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Notably, amid the deadlock over Maliki’s future last summer, Shamkhani’s visit with the grand ayatollah in Najaf helped facilitate the peaceful power transition in Baghdad.

With Iranian moderates energized by the nuclear deal, and the grand ayatollah more influential than ever, it appears that the dynamics of last summer are once again being repeated.

Iraqi sources say the Shiite political leadership in Baghdad is divided over who should head the National Iraqi Alliance (NIA), the coalition that brings together the main Shiite Islamist factions. While the State of Law Coalition is pushing for leading Dawa Party member Ali al-Adib to take the helm, Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI) leader Ammar al-Hakim is reportedly putting up a fight. This struggle may be part of broader intra-Shiite dynamics. An Iraqi source told Al-Monitor, “The people pushing for al-Adib versus al-Hakim are the same ones who support al-Maliki versus al-Abadi; i.e., a big chunk of State of Law, but not necessarily Dawa. However, on top of that, it also includes many non-Maliki/State of Law-aligned Dawa MPs who don’t want to see the NIA leadership go to a rival party/bloc.” While this struggle is evidently organic in the sense that it is driven by domestic politics, the optics of travel schedules and meetings in past days and weeks suggest that factional differences in Tehran are to some extent being played out in Baghdad. The reverse could also potentially hold true.

During his visit to Tehran last week, Hakim — who has spent most of his life in Iran, where ISCI was established during the 1980-1988 Iran-Iraq War — met with senior Iranian officials, including prominent figures associated with the moderate camp. These include Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani, the former president widely seen as Rouhani’s main patron, as well as Zarif and Shamkhani. Customarily, Hakim also met with Khamenei.

Of note, Zarif met with Hakim during his recent trip to Iraq. A well-placed Iraqi source told Al-Monitor that this was on the initiative of the Iranian foreign minister, claiming that Zarif requested a dinner with Hakim in Baghdad. Zarif’s visit to the Iraqi capital followed a brief stay in Najaf, where he met with the grand ayatollah. Bearing this in mind, if Iranian moderates are lobbying on behalf of Hakim, their success would “look like a victory over the Soleimani/Maliki camp in Iraq,” Hayder al-Khoei of Chatham House told Al-Monitor.

Also present in Tehran at the same time as Hakim was Maliki, who observers see as maintaining a close relationship with the Quds Force commander. In a sign that Iran has not discarded Maliki, despite Abadi’s ascent, Maliki met with the Iranian supreme leader during his visit. Of note, Zarif, who did not meet with Maliki during his recent trip to Baghdad, did not see Maliki in Tehran either. In contrast, Khoei told Al-Monitor, Soleimani is “fully” behind Maliki and “sees him as [Hezbollah leader] Hassan Nasrallah No. 2″ — a staunch Arab ally with views in line with Iranian policy.

While the optics suggest that factional politics in Tehran may be played out in Baghdad, Iranian sources dismiss the latter. In an interview with Al-Monitor on condition of anonymity, a senior Iranian source with close knowledge of policy toward Iraq said, “Zarif’s failure to meet with Maliki was not meant to make any political point.” The source emphasized that “Zarif was ill that day [when Maliki was recently in Iran], and while in Iraq, Zarif’s visit was very short. There is nothing between the lines.”

Regardless of actual motives, perceptions may prove to be more powerful than reality. For now, it appears that Tehran is avoiding direct and overt involvement in the Shiite leadership dispute in Baghdad. Iran will likely maintain this posture until and unless the situation is seen as spiraling out of control, at which point it may choose to intervene to help forge a consensus. Indeed, this has been the playbook in recent years. This, in turn, may cause the Shiite leadership in Baghdad to pre-emptively reach out to the grand ayatollah, who also seeks to avoid becoming too embroiled in factional politics. In this waiting game, which could potentially turn explosive, the main victim may once again be ordinary Iraqis, who are mired not only in a war against IS in the trenches, but also corruption and factionalism at home.

Read more: http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2015/08/iran-iraq-politics.html#ixzz3kBMgzJUj

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Thousands Protest against Corruption in Iraq Capital

W460

by Naharnet Newsdesk ۹ hours ago

Thousands of Iraqis demonstrated against corruption in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square on Friday, including supporters of powerful Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr.

Protesters have taken to the streets of Baghdad and cities in the Shiite south for weeks, railing against rampant corruption and abysmal services, especially power outages that leave just a few hours of government-supplied electricity per day during the scorching summer heat.

Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi has responded to the demonstrations and a call from Iraq’s top Shiite cleric, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, with a reform program aimed at curbing corruption and streamlining the government, but it is still in its early stages.

At Friday’s demonstration, hundreds waved Iraqi flags and chanted anti-corruption slogans as in previous weeks, but this time the crowd also included supporters of Sadr, responding to his call to take part.

Sadrists, many of them dressed in black, chanted slogans including “Bye bye Nuri al-Maliki” and called for the ex-premier, whose eight years in office were marked by widespread graft, to be executed.

“We came out (to protest) in support of the reforms that were announced by Prime Minister Abadi. We want to push and support the state in implementing them,” said Nafia al-Bakhaki, an official in the Sadr movement.

“All the officials in the previous governments, especially Maliki’s government, are responsible for corruption,” said Sheikh Samir al-Zraijawi, also from the Sadr movement.

Some did not welcome the involvement of supporters of Sadr, who had ministers in Maliki’s governments and still wields significant influence despite seeking to officially distance himself from politics as he pursues religious studies.

“It is hypocritical and misleading (to say the Sadrists) are with the people,” said Iraqi Communist party member Siham al-Zubaidi, noting their strong presence in parliament and the fact that a since-resigned Sadrist deputy premier faces corruption allegations.

Parliament signed off on Abadi’s proposed reforms as well as additional measures, and the prime minister has begun ordered changes, including the scrapping of 11 cabinet posts and for the bloated number of guards for officials to be slashed.

But even with popular support and backing from Sistani, the fact that parties across the political spectrum benefit from graft is seen as a major obstacle to the nascent reform effort.

 

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Iraq’s top Shia cleric voices support for protests

Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani says government must show it is serious about implementing reforms as tens of thousands rally.

Protesters carry a banner reading 'Where is our money?' [EPA]

Iraq’s top Shia cleric voices support for protests” alt=”Protesters carry a banner reading ‘Where is our money?’

28 AَAljazeera

28Aug 2015

Iraq’s top Shia cleric Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani has voiced support for continuing protests in Baghdad and other cities in southern Iraq.

Sistani, 85, said that the government must show it is serious about fighting corruption and improve services – not just introduce temporary measures to placate the public.

In a message delivered by a representative in a Friday sermon, Sistani also cautioned protesters who have staged weekly rallies to press demands for reform that they must guard against groups seeking to hijack their movement to further other interests.

The comments, delivered in the holy Shia city of Karbala south of Baghdad, came just hours before tens of thousands of Iraqis gathered in Baghdad’s Tahrir Square to demand better services and an end to corruption.

A senior security official called the demonstration the biggest protest of the summer. Thousands more rallied in Najaf, Basra and other cities across the Shia southern heartland following a call from powerful Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr.

Al Jazeera’s Zeina Khodr, reporting from the Iraqi capital, said the protests had begun as a grassroots movement, with people frustrated about electricity shortages.

“Now it has become a popular uprising demanding change. They want Prime Minister haider al-Abbadi to reform the poltical system in the country,” she said.

“We cannot call these protests ‘anti-government,’ at least not for now, because these people are taking to the streets to give Abbadi support to push ahead with reforms.”

The prime minister has responded to the rallies with a package of reforms that reduced the size of his cabinet, and eliminated the three vice presidencies and the three deputy prime minister posts.

He has also ordered a revision of the government’s pay scale and the annulment of financial perks enjoyed by senior officials, politicians and consultants.

Green Zone access

On Friday, he directed military commanders to ease civilian access to the Green Zone, the central Baghdad district home to many government buildings and several Western embassies.

The 10-square-kilometre area on the bank of the Tigris River once housed the headquarters of the US occupation and before that one of Saddam Hussein’s republican palaces.

Checkpoints and concrete barriers have blocked bridges and highways leading to the neighbourhood for years, symbolising the isolation of Iraq’s leadership from its people and wreaking havoc on traffic in the city of 7 million people.

Abbadi also ordered the elimination of no-go zones set up by militias and political parties in Baghdad and other cities in response to more than a decade of car bombings.

The weekly rallies, which began last month, have been pressing for better basic services like power, water and medical care, as well as an end to corruption and sectarian politics.

Corruption is widely believed to be rampant, involving hundreds of millions of dollars in the 12 years since Saddam Hussein’s government was toppled.

Source: Al Jazeera and agencies

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